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THE GERMAN KULTUR IN POLAND
 
 

The Nazi Kultur in Poland
by
several authors
of necessity temporarily anonymous

Written in Warsaw under the German Occupation and published for the
POLISH MINISTRY OF INFORMATION by
HIS MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE
LONDON 1945

CONTENTS
FOREWORD by John Masefield, O. M.  - VI
A NOTE FROM THE AUTHORS IN WARSAW - Vlll
A NOTE FROM THE EDITORS IN LONDON - X
I SPOTLIGHTS - 1
II THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH – 7
III THE PROTESTANT CHURCHES – 27
IV ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS - 32
V UNIVERSITIES AND RESEARCH - 51
VI LIBRARIES 76
VII ARCHIVES - 89
VIII MUSEUMS AND COLLECTIONS - 93
IX BUILDINGS AND MONUMENTS - 113
X WARSAW CASTLE - 124
XI  BOOKSHOPS  AND  PUBLISHING - 128
XII READING - 142
XIII THE PRESS - 146
XIV BROADCASTING - 176
XV "CULTURAL  POLICY" - 183
XVI THE THEATRE - 188
XVII MUSIC - 198
VIII LITERATURE - 206
XIX ART - 210
XX THE FILM - 213
XXI THE BACKGROUND - 215

FOREWORD

About six generations ago a sensitive, devout poet wrote that his soul was sick ...
"at every day's report
Of wrong and outrage, with which Earth is filled. "
And yet, what wrong and outrage had he known? He could have known only some of the lesser horrors of the world by an elementary Press and a most imperfect war correspondence. Man, then, had hardly begun to feel his way back into savagery. The French Revolution had not yet cut a throat; Prussia had as yet only played her trial-piece. The world was but young in deed.
What would the gentle, suffering Cowper have felt, in this tenth year of German war, could he have seen this volume, which tells the deeds of a nation urged as our example by Carlyle, and praised as educated by Matthew Arnold ? In eighty years, the land so praised by those great men has lost, not only its virtue but its humanity. Vanity and inhumanity have made her mad, and madness has been her goddess. The sick soul of Cowper would have asked to be taken from a world so polluted.
A good many doctors have written and spoken to show that the Nazi and Fascist rules are distortions of the mind, fostered wilfully by mass-suggestion. The crimes committed by those rules are not those of soldiers mad with battle, but the fruit of devilish plotting, coolly prepared for in time of peace, then done, after treachery, in cold blood, and continued to the infamous end "according to plan. "
Poland, which was the plunder in Prussia's trial-piece, had the misfortune to be the cause of the present war. To her has fallen the first, the longest and the most appalling of the martyrdoms which come from being near modern Germany. The methods used in Poland have been used wherever this race of savages has come; in Poland, they have been used longer, and with more fiendish calculation than elsewhere. Poland is near to Prussia; her land was to be kept, her people enslaved.
We, in England, know as a rule very little about Poland. We know her, as we know other distant lands, by a few outstanding figures, who kindle our imaginations.
We know, for instance, a little about Kosciuszko ; a very famous line of our poetry has made most of us try to learn something of the life of that hero. Then, most of us know Rembrandt's famous painting of the Polish Horseman, and have a brightening of the spirit when we think of him. Then, many of us remember the superb figure of Paderewski, and the beauty of that impassioned spirit as he spoke for Poland or interpreted her soul. Lastly, all of us know much of Chopin, whom we take to be that soul. We have all been caught by his wonder and enchanted by his grace; we are all proud to think that the living Chopin was welcomed here; he was gladdened by English praise, as he has been cherished since by English devotion.
These four noble figures represent Poland to us; they ARE Poland. Those are the four figures of quality which the enemy seeks to obliterate from the human soul and exterminate from Polish memory.
This book reveals their methods. Let the readers reflect, that the gathering of these materials has brought men and women to torture and to death, those being the only gifts to man now put into the world by the German brain.
It is not possible to read this history without the certainty that the methods used would have been applied here, in their order: first, lulling; then, betrayals then, plunder; then, murder, degradation and abasement; then, a lasting enslavement. We have been luckier than most of Europe. They did not get beyond betrayal here.
It is interesting to read how some of the methods used for the preliminary lulling are, in reality, expert preparation for the plunder soon to follow. Before the war the learned Nazi, the archaeologist, the Art-Gallery curator, the State Librarian, and so forth, makes a culture-pilgrimage to the collections to be sacked. This visit is acclaimed both by Nazi and intended victim, as evidence of friendship; culture has nothing to do with war; culture has but one aim, to spread the light of brotherhood. Yet, while eating the victim's salt, the visitor is appraising the booty, seeing what things must go to the Reich ; what things, not so stolen, may go to lesser thieves, or be destroyed. Some of these preliminary visits were paid in this country, before both the wars.
But theft, however treacherous, is a small crime compared with the crimes against the souls of men. A few lunatics have in a few years so led a nation that it has set itself as a matter of policy to wreck intelligence in the neighbouring States. It has plundered and then suppressed colleges and schools; it has murdered, imprisoned, disallowed or starved the learned, the enlightened, the devout, and the teaching profession as a whole. It has sacked and burned the libraries, the newspapers and printing presses, closed the concert rooms, broken up. the orchestras, ruined or dispersed the musicians, and forbidden the playing of the music most dear to the conquered race .... In every case, this has been a neighbour-race; and always, the aim has been to kill intelligence throughout the country, so that in future that land shall have no kindling mind, shall have instead the slave mind, unable to resist.
This record has been made with great difficulty, at the risk of life, not only the life of the writer, but too often of the lives of all his family. It has none the less been made, so that the world may know the enemy method, and the nature of the things the Allies mean to end. The method would have been applied as ruthlessly here as in Poland, and in the United States as here. As it has fallen, the method here only reached the stage of betrayal, and in the United States never got beyond the stage of lulling.
But do not let anyone suppose that enemy policy will change at once when this war ends; it will not; it will begin again from the beginning, lulling the future victims, while the mistakes which they will call" the over-clemencies" of the present war are carefully studied, so as to be avoided when the next betrayal is ready to begin.

JOHN MASEFlELD

A NOTE FROM THE AUTHORS IN WARSAW

THE quotations at the beginning of our book explain why we have undertaken to prepare and publish it. We have been moved by a profound conviction that the experience through which Poland is now passing is not merely of interest as a chapter of her current history. It is also a picture of possibilities that might under certain conditions, become facts in other countries, and even in other continents besides Europe, which Hitler identifies as his "aim. "
The subject seemed important from another point of view. Not in every period of history is it possible to witness in the same degree as to-day the limitless evil which human nature is capable of imagining and enacting. Certain theologians are said to have asserted that in this respect man can even out-Satan Satan. A collection of material for the debating of this question appeared useful.
Acting in this spirit, we have above all endeavoured to ensure honest and accurate recording of facts. As far as possible we have made use of printed documents, the titles of which are given, but these yield only certain kinds of information. The most monstrous among the matters which we have to relate are not, as a rule, faithfully reflected in official publications. These we have presented according to the most trustworthy accounts, which have mostly been checked several times and by various means. But where several versions of one occurence agreed only in its main lines while differing in detail, not only the detail but very often the whole episode has been omitted. So that, if the picture we present is not perfectly in accord with reality, it is mainly because it is an understatement. It has always been a pleasure to record instances of correct behaviour on the part of the Germans in occupied territory; unfortunately, such cases have been exceptional. We have made no attempt either to blacken or to flatter anyone. That would have been ridiculous in view of the dreadful eloquence of facts, which far transcends the imagination of normal men and women.
There is a fine line by the Polish poet Norwid: " Men haven't invented this; it is too fair." There are other things of which we may say: "Men haven't invented this ; it is too grim." The capacity for devilish action-to revert for a moment to the reasoning of the theologians already mentioned-in some men apparently exceeds the bounds of imaginative wickedness found in the average human being.
We realize that there are many deficiencies in this book, despite the fact that it has taken a whole year to prepare. Some matters have been discussed in more detail than others; it has even proved impossible to bring the record of every chapter to cover the same space of time, and for this reason the date of completion has been placed at the end of each. Some repetition has been unavoidable, and facts and terms are not always introduced conveniently for the reader, who is sometimes forced to wait until the tale unfolds a clearer explanation of their meaning. Some of these shortcomings are due, perhaps, to faults of ours in writing and editing, but others maybe you will excuse when you realise the circumstances in which we had to carry on our work.
We are a group of persons inhabiting various localities in German-occupied Polish territory. There was never any possibility of conference or discussion. We dared not use the post for such work, nor the telephone. As for organizing normal secretarial assistance-that was an unrealizable dream. Notes and other material could not safely be left even on one's own desk. During the briefest absence every sheet of paper, every reference, had to be hidden away, for who can tell the hour of the Gestapo? The completed scripts were a still greater embarrassment, and had to be treated by a method likened by one of our collaborators to that of "a cat with kittens ": as soon as a chapter began to assume noticeable proportions reason counselled the planting of it in a safe hiding-place. Though these hiding-places were not always as safe as they seemed; contrariwise, others were too safe, in that it was much easier to hide something away than to bring it out again! And when the time came to assemble the various chapters our difficulties really recalled the problem of how to ferry a wolf, a goat, and a head of cabbage over a river in a small boat that can take only one of them at a time. In addition to all this, the final work on the book fell in the winter months of 1941-42, when the supply of electric current was seriously restricted in the" Generalgouvernement," so that long evenings had to be spent at work by the light of oil or carbide (by those lucky enough to possess them), or often a single candle. Lack of fuel was as great a hardship as lack of light. In many houses the normal temperature throughout many weeks did not exceed 40 to 45 degrees. One had to write in coat and gloves, often with raw and frost-bitten hands. Even something so simple in normal times as the checking of a quotation, a date, the spelling of a name, was not easy in a country where all public libraries, with one exception, are inaccessible and such private ones as have escaped destruction in the course of hostilities are mostly dispersed, either in obedience to an order for compulsory removal or to evade such an order, which may be given at any time or place.
It must be admitted that the very multiplicity and novelty of these difficulties was both a brisk stimulus to the overcoming of them and a source of genuine humour.
In such conditions, then, we have laboured to complete our work. It treats only of a single aspect of German administration in occupied Poland, that of cultural life, though we use this word in its broadest meaning. Where problems have been omitted, as, for instance, the German attitude towards the Greek Orthodox Church, it was because no one in our group had sufficient knowledge of the matter to discuss it with authority. But such gaps are few.
Many of our readers, we know, will be but little acquainted with Poland's past. We have therefore prefaced certain important chapters with a short historical retrospect.
In our opening chapter we have tried to "spotlight" our study in two ways.
We give a few outstanding dates in the military campaign of 1939 and the early days of occupation, in the belief that they will serve as memory pegs and will help the reader to re-live in his own mind those far-away and fateful months of the war. They are no more than pointers and do not attempt to be a complete or up-to-date calendar of events. More important for the understanding of the narrative are the extracts from speeches, edicts, civil and military decrees, administrative legislation and so on. These, too, are not intended to be exhaustive and they stop in the autumn of 1941, by which time German method in occupied countries may be said to have consolidated itself. They do, very simply and in his own words, show the Nazi as he is.
Some explanation is due on a point that caused considerable difficulty. This was the translating of present-day German political and administrative nomenclature. Here is an example: Poland was divided into voivodships, each of which had subdivisions which in English you would term "districts." The Germans introduced an administrative division in which the largest unit is called Distrikt. This had to be adhered to although the English term" District" denotes a much smaller administrative area. (Polish, powiat; German, Kreis.) To describe the latter, then, we chose the word" county."
Sometimes we give the German term in brackets after its English translation; where these seemed untranslatable we have kept to the German original. An instance of this is the word Volksdeutsch, which is now a common expression, though the 1938 edition of Brockhaus's dictionary (Der Sprach-Brockhaus) omits it. Knaur's pocket encyclopaedia (Knaur's Lexikon) of 1939 states that Volksdeutsche are "German fellow-countrymen who are not Reichsdeutsche, since they do not belong to the state entity of the German Reich, but to a national group." One might therefore say that they are simply Germans who are subjects of some other state than the Reich. One might . . . if the same laws applied to Germans as to other people, but, of course, that is not the case; so we have in general left this expression unchanged, which would undoubtedly please the mentality of those who created it.
We should like to add a few words in conclusion. In this dark night in which we live we have been sustained by words reaching us from the West, the voices of great statesmen, of writers and scholars. In a certain sense the utterances of those who treated the great common cause of world civilization in a private and intimate manner were even more moving to us than the words of those who, of necessity, spoke of it in terms of politics, diplomacy, and the law. There were, for instance, the unforgettable moments when by some favourable chance we were enabled in the autumn of 1941 to read Miss Rebecca West's article If Worst Comes to Worst, and somewhat later, in the winter of the same year, Professor R. H. Tawney's Reasons Why Britain Fights. To us these were like letters demanding an answer, and they were an imperative spur to us to relate what is happening in Poland, now when worst has come to worst and the reasons for fighting multiply and grow more urgent daily.

Warsaw, February, 1942

A NOTE FROM THE EDITORS IN LONDON

IN their plain way the authors of this book have set down why and how they prepared this series of documents annotating not Nazi atrocities, but normal Nazi treatment of mind, soul, spirit and imagination in an occupied country. Some things they do not say, some things they cannot. For instance, they omit the fact that they dared to write these chapters in English with the Gestapo at the door. And they do not tell us that their devoted company included scholars of University status and international reputation, coolly responsible, as good scholars strive to be, for the truth of the words they use and the facts they describe. It therefore falls to our editorial group in London, who have, so to speak, acted as trustees for the absent authors, while we shepherded their book along the various stages that lead to publication, to fill in gaps where we can. But before we come to those details and some account of our stewardship, we have a duty to perform. Which is, with the publication of their book, to record that nearly all the authors of it are dead and will never turn its pages. The risks they ran in those winter days in Warsaw, when, as they tell us almost gaily-the cold and the infinite difficulty of putting the thing together at all were a sort of challenge to their wits, incurred the full penalty. Those who escaped the Gestapo fell in the ghastly nine weeks of the Warsaw rising. Or most of them. If one or two are still living that is the sum.
In London, working on their manuscript, we editors, Poles and British alike, had come in some sort to know the mental habit and colour of each of these men. This chapter bore one stamp, that another. We shall never shake hands or talk it over now, as, not so long ago, we hoped to do. In the Roman way, "Te morituri salutamus " must be our hail and farewell. But this book, in very truth, is their testament.
The last news we had of them all came in July, when some one wrote from Warsaw that they were preparing a second volume to bring the record up to date. Here, in translation, is part of that last letter from imprisoned Poland to her Government in London:
"As regards the book NAZI KULTUR IN POLAND we suggest treating it as Part I ; meanwhile we are trying to prepare Part II. The facts - especially for certain chapters - give us a good deal of material. But the writing of the book is, unfortunately, much more difficult now than it was two years ago. The man who initiated the whole work was arrested even before the part you have in your hands was completed. He died in a concentration camp in December, 1942. His right-hand man, who did the executive work, planned out the arrangement and himself collected most of the material for the last chapter, was shot. with his wife, in June, 1943. Of the rest of the team, many were obliged to leave their old mode of life, and even their closest friends can see them only rarely and with great difficulty. It sometimes takes weeks even to contact them. Indeed, things are so much worse in every way that the conditions in which we prepared the part you are publishing in London seem almost ideal. The streets are thronged with endless patrols of soldiers: streets, trams, houses are combed daily. Everywhere restrictions tighten and difficulties increase. The last remaining library - the Warsaw Public Library - still open to Polish people in 1941, is long since closed and the bookshops are empty. There is little to read now but the German-sponsored press. People who have not met for some time greet one another with the words: 'We are still alive.' We hope to send you lists of obituary notices from every branch of cultural life. They will tell the story better than we can. They will explain to you how burdened with duty are those of us who have managed to endure. We are young workers and have had only very little opportunity to train. Yet, we must act as substitutes for our experienced elders who are gone. We therefore beg your forgiveness if our further work is done more slowly add less accurately than the first."
The writer adds a few points indicating the increasing strain and severity of the regime. He tells us, for example, that, in the Wartheland, church services are curtailed and the clergy decimated even beyond what is described in Chapters II and III: that in 1943 all remaining copies of about a thousand Polish books not previously proscribed were withdrawn from the bookshops (cf. Chapters XI and XII). Lastly, that since October of the same year, the Nazis have ceased to be content with secret mass executions, though these continue. Similar mass executions are now held regularly in public in all the towns included in the Generalgouvernement.
Whether or no the MS. of these younger men, who so faithfully attempted to finish their fallen seniors' work, has survived the holocaust of the rising, we do not know. Since most of Warsaw lies in burnt ruin, it seems unlikely. But even if these further records are irretrievably lost to history, those gathered into this book are not less valuable on that account. You need not drink a bottle to the dregs, to know a wine. These pages, though they deal only with the first two years of occupation, are neither out of date nor inadequate. They are more than enough to show the mean, cruel mind and the muddled, dark, sly method. They indict Nazi Germany finally as the arch-enemy in our century of light, truth, candour and intelligence. Yet, night-marish, almost incredible as the conditions described here seem, when read in the free air of Britain, where a man may worship, bring up his children or follow a profession as he chooses, where we have had music and the theatre to help us through the long years of war, where we have not been hungry nor yet too bitterly cold, remember while you read that things have changed only for the worse since February, 1942, when this volume was finished. The dreadful massacres of the Warsaw ghetto did not happen until 1943. Indeed, a black night has fallen over Poland. The only points of light in it-and they do indeed shine like stars-are the gallant, unbeatable hearts of her home army and the enduring will and purpose of men like our authors, who were determined that the Germans should never have their way with Polish thoughts, Polish faith and Polish culture, and who wrote this book interweaving the past of Polish history and tradition with the living and suffering present, in order to assert that determination and to prove it to Poland's English-speaking allies.
That such a book has been a long time on the way is not so surprising as the fact that it is here at all. The story of its adventures after it was typed and assembled in glove and overcoat, and with candle-light to serve for warmth and illumination, is one of the gaps that we in London can fill in. In the first place, by this same candle-light the pages of the text were photographed. Some were crumpled or blotted. Sometimes, as the negatives show, the light flickered or failed. Anyhow, patiently, sheet by sheet, these chapters were transferred by a tiny camera to films an inch or so wide-900-odd words to each film. We in London have worked from the prints of the negatives, enlarged to postcard size. We shall not easily forget the day when one of us, a Pole, looked up from a close perusal of this microscopic MS. and said, half smiling but sad, "You see these corrections in the margin? I know the hand and style. It's myoid Professor. "It is true that on every page the corrections were meticulous. The tiny rolls of celluloid were somehow got out of Poland. The pictures, incidentally, arrived by routes as strange. The full story of the contacts kept up day by day, week by week, between the people in Poland and their Government in London cannot yet be told in full. It is enough to say that communication was never broken. Those smuggled films from Warsaw contained nearly 200,000 English words and they reached England in spite of everything. There may have been men on skis taking their lonely way through the Carpathian snows, there may
have been a polite young Polish gentleman, speaking impeccable German, travelling from Warsaw into the Reich with a wreath for poor Aunt Marta's funeral; there may have been, there were, men picked up by aeroplane, in the manner of" F for Freddy " Pickard .... The authors were well served by their couriers. Over here, another set of devoted Poles set to work on preparing the text for publication, and, aided by their English colleagues, have done what they could to fulfil the wishes of the authors, as stated in the text. Abbreviation, in view of the paper shortage, was, of course, necessary, especially in the last chapter which we have had to telescope. As far as possible, we have checked dates, figures and sources and unified terms of reference.
The value of the work as a document, of course, depends upon the steady accumulation of detail gathered here for the use of future historians. It is not presented with a view to drama. Yet somehow it keeps the human touch, as incidents like the destruction of the wayside shrines and the melting of the church bells in Chapter 11, the last paragraph in Chapter IV summing up the fate of the children, the thrilling episode of the Warsaw Press during the siege of September, 1939 (Chapter XIII), and a number of others prove. While Chapter X, with its controlled account of the deliberate destruction of Warsaw Castle by the Germans, has a quality that is epic.
We write this on Armistice Day, 1944. It is also the date on which the Poles celebrate their Independence. Memory and hope meet in this book from Warsaw.

London, November 11. 1944.

Chapter I

SPOTLIGHTS

1939
September 1st. At dawn - no declaration of war having been made - German aeroplanes bomb Polish aerodromes and German troops cross Poland's frontiers from the west, the north (from East Prussia), and the south (from Slovakia).
September 3rd. Great Britain and France declare themselves to be at war with Germany.
September 6th. The Polish Government leaves Warsaw.
September 7th. Isolated Polish garrison of Westerplatte surrenders after heroic defence.
September 8th. The siege of Warsaw begins.
September 10th. German troops occupy Poznan and Lodz
September 12th. German troops occupy Torun.
September 13th. German motorized troops reach the upper Dniester River. September 14th. On the Bzura River “one of the greatest battles of annihilation of all time" (eine der groessten Vernichtungsschlachten aller Zeiten), begins.
September 17th. Russian troops invade Poland.
September 18th. German and Soviet troops meet at Brzesc-on-Bug (Brest Litovsk). The President of Poland, Professor Moscicki, leaves country together with the members of the Government in order to safeguard the representation of the Republic and the sovereignty of the State Executive.
September 20th. Gdynia taken by the Germans after heavy fighting.
September 23rd. Lwow taken by German troops.
September 24th. Thousands killed in Warsaw bombardment.
September 25th. The Warsaw command reject a summons to capitulate; the Luftwaffe, co-operating with German artillery, begins a systematic annihilation of the Polish capital.
September 27th. Warsaw, devastated by bombs and fires, deprived of water and electricity, surrenders. Chancellor Hitler nominates a military administration for the Polish territories occupied by the Germans; General von Rundstedt as " Commander-in-Chief, East" is placed at its head; Dr. Frank appointed "supreme head of the administration attached to the Commander-in-Chief East for the entire Civil Service," (zum obersten Verwaltungschef beim Oberbefehlshaber Ost fuer die gesamte Zivilverwaltung).
September 28th. A Soviet-German agreement signed, establishing the frontier line "between the State interests of Germany and of the Soviet Union on the territory of the former Polish State."
October 1st. German troops enter Warsaw.
October 6th. Hitler makes a speech in the Reichstag defining German aims in the war with Poland. One of them is "the creation of new order and a reconstruction, ... also in the domain of cultural and civilizing development" (die Neuordnung, der Neuaufbau ... auch der kulturellen und zivilisatorischen Entwicklung).
October 7th. After fierce fighting the remains of the Polish army, under the command of General Francis Kleber, capitulates near Kock.
October 8th. Hitler issues a decree "concerning: the structure and administration of the eastern territories," to come into force on October 26th, 1939 (printed in the Reichsgesetzblatt, I, p. 2042). This decree announces that Western Poland (with limits undefined, but de facto in January and February 1940 proving to stretch as far as the neighbourhood of Cracow and places lying east of Lodz) is incorporated in the Reich, together with a large part of the northern provinces (reaching almost as far as Warsaw). The new decree turns this wide territory into two new provinces (Reichsgaue) of the Reich: the one labelled West Prussia (Westpreussen), later called Danzig-Westpreussen, the other Posen, later, since January 29th, 1940, styled Wartheland. Furthermore, the decree incorporates the whole of Polish Silesia and parts of the voivodships of Cracow and Kielce in the Regierungsbezirk Kattowitz of the German Reichsgau of Silesia (Schlesien), as well as the territory to the north of Warsaw in the province of East Prussia (Ostpreussen) under the name of Regierungsbezirk Zichenau, in place of its ancient Polish name of Ciechanow. Finally, in the north-east, the county of Suwalki, re-christened Sudau, is also included in the borders of East Prussia. The annexed territories form about 24 per cent. of Poland's total area. (See Maps.)

October 12th. Hitler issues a decree establishing a civil administration called "Genera1gouvernement" for the Occupied Polish Territories (Generalgouvernement fuer die besetzten polnischen Gebiete) in the Polish lands not incorporated in the Reich. The decree was published in the Reichsgesetzblatt, 1., p. 2077, as due to come into force on October 26th. Reichsminister Dr. Frank, hitherto Temporary Chief of the Administration attached to the Commander-in-Chief East, was nominated Governor-General.
After the encroachments of January-February 1940 the territory of the "Generalgouvernement" comprised some 96,000 square kilometres and had about 12 million inhabitants. This number was later considerably increased by deportees from Poland's western provinces. The "Genera1gouvernement" is not self-sufficing, has no coal (the coal mines having been annexed by the Reich), and no considerable industrial centres (these, too, being incorporated in the Reich). The area is very densely populated and since this population is mainly agricultural (70-75 per cent.) a glaring disproportion arises between available labour and employment. (Such
is the description of the "Generalgouvernement" given by the Germans themselves after about a year, in the weekly Das Reich, on January 5th, 1941, in the monthly Das Generalgouvernement, Nr. 1, 1941, etc.). The "Generalgouvernement" covers little more than 24 per cent of Poland's territory.
October 16th. German H.Q. publishes the last bulletin of the Polish campaign, reporting the occupation of the "line of interests" (Interessengrenze) established with the Soviets and running along the river Pisa, the middle course of the rivers Narew, Bug, and San-that is to say, some 52 per cent. of Polish territory, with the towns of Bialystok, Brzesc-onBug, Lwow, and the main part of Przemysl remaining on the Russian side.
October 26th. Dr. Frank takes office as "Governor-General for the Occupied Polish territories," and issues an address to all Polish men and women in which he announces that at the Fuehrer' s behest he is "to care especially for the development of good neighbourly relations between the Poles and the mighty world power of the German people.” ,
" Your life," so Dr. Frank assured them, "you will be able to lead in accordance with your old-established traditions. You will be permitted to preserve your national Polish individuality in all the activities of public life ..... Everyone willing to obey the just measures of our Reich, which will be in full conformity with your habits of life, will be able to work in peace."
The "Generalgouvernement" was divided into four "districts" (see Authors' Note) - Cracow, Radom, Lublin, and Warsaw. Each is administered by a Distriktchef, who bears the title of Governor. A district consists of ten counties (Kreise), with a Kreishauptmann at the head of each. The larger towns form separate administrative units, governed by a Stadthauptmann.
November 2nd. Arthur Greiser, formerly President of the Danzig Senate, takes office as Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter (Governor-General and Head of the Province) of the new Reichsgau Posen (Wartheland). The Reichsstatthalter acts, within the limits of the province, as representative of the Fiihrer and" at the behest of the Government of the Reich. " His position must be " authoritative and absolute" (straff und einheitlich), therefore he is given "strong powers," and the entire administration is subordinated to him. Albert Forster, Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter of the Reichsgau Danzig- Westpreussen, is granted similar powers.
November 7th. Governor-General Dr. Frank begins his activities by a solemn entry into Cracow, selected for his residence, and makes a speech to his subordinates in the Wawel Castle, saying, among other things: "We come into this country not in any wild fury of conquest, but as guarantors of work, ordered and conducted in German fashion." Continuing, he thanked God for having sent the Fuehrer and prayed Him to turn away the hate which had for centuries been directed against Germany from the castle of Cracow.

1940
January 5th. German H.Q. approves a list of "twenty great battles in Poland" for which decorations were awarded.
February 25th. The Governor-General, Dr. Frank, on the occasion of an official session at Radom, declares that "the Generalgouvernement comprises that part of occupied Polish territory which is not incorporated in the Reich." "The Fuehrer has destined this region to be the home of the Polish people."
March 15th. On the occasion of a party conference at Katowice Dr. Frank announces: "We do not wish to deprive the Polish people of their rights." But he makes this reservation: "Nothing will remain that is an obstacle to German progress."
April 28th. Dr. Frank receives the honorary degree of the University of Modena. The diploma is solemnly presented to him in Berlin. Many representatives from Italian political, legal, and scholastic circles, headed by the Rector of the University of Modena, Professor Dr. Ruggero Balli, attended.
August 18th. The appellation "Generalgouvernement for the Occupied Polish territories" is changed to "Generalgouvernement," without any qualifications, this being intended as a sign of the stabilisation of political structure in this territory. (The official organ, Krakauer Zeitung, publishes an article, "No Longer Occupied Territory." The Governor-General's office from this day onwards is styled "Government of the Generalgouvernement. ")
At a meeting of the National Socialist Party (Generalmitgliederappel der NSDAP) Dr. Frank makes a speech in which he expresses the opinion that the Poles should rejoice at their lot. He promises that "we have no thought of wishing to interfere with the cultural or other needs of the Poles."
October 7th. Reiehsstatthalter and Gauleiter Arthur Greiser issues an "address for Harvest Thanksgiving Day" in the Gau Wartheland. He writes: " It is in the East that the destiny of German life has lain for hundreds and thousands of years." "Hitler has recognised that the victory of the sword must be prepared by political groundwork, that the victory of the sword must be followed by the victory of the blood, the military victory by the political. " "In ten years' time there must not be a sheaf of corn that has not grown on German land, not a farm that will not, in ten years' time, be in German hands." "If there is a Lord and if there is any justice-then he has elected Adolf Hitler that he may sweep away this scum" (i.e., Polish peasants) !
October 26th. Gauleiter and Reiehsstatthalter Greiser delivers a speech to celebrate the anniversary of the creation of the Gau Wartheland and of its incorporation in the Reich (i.e., the so-called "Liberty Day"). He says among other things, that" Polish elements must be kept at the greatest possible distance. A conclusive end must at last be put to a sentimental soppiness which is quite out of place. " "In this area the German is the master, the Pole the menial. In this area the German is a citizen of the state (Reichsbuerger), whereas the Pole is the dependant who may under certain conditions obtain citizenship (Staatsbuergerschaft) if his attitude towards the German Reich proves to be a decent one." "Who is not for us is against us, and whoso is against us in the Gau Wartheland will be destroyed."
Uebelhoer, Regierungspraesident of the Bezirk Litzmannstadt (that is, of Lodz), which is the easternmost part of the Wartheland, reporting on the progress of the " constructive work" (Aufbauarbeit) in his sphere of office, declares: "The Poles, who were again becoming insolent, have been shown that Poland is definitely lost. The Bezirk is no longer what it once was, an area inhabited by jabbering Jews and insolent Poles; it is a German Bezirk."
November 17th. The" National Socialist Party Director of Education for all the provinces of the Reich" (Hauptschulungsleiter NSDAP aus allen Gauen des Reichs), Schmidt, says at Lodz: "These peoples [Jews, Czechs and Poles] ... inhabit this space as lodgers, for in this house we are the masters. We have at all times the right to give them notice and to kick them out, if their behaviour is unsuitable."
November 30th. Dr. Frank declares in Cracow that "the Generalgouvernement has become synonymous with Germany's function of creating order in the European East."
December 31st. Gauleiter and Reichsstatthalter Greiser issues a "New Year's Address" to the Germans of the Wartheland, which includes such words as: "The year 1940 lies behind us, a year of mighty German history, . . . a year of fulfilment of ancient national longings ; a year of outstanding political successes; the year of truth 's rebirth in Europe! ... " , 'Do not soften! Be hard and become harder still !"

1941
January 1st. Hitler issues a proclamation in which he declares that one of the aims of this war is "a true agreement among nations."
January 18th. At the opening of the Deutsches Haus in Warsaw Dr. Frank states: " The dream of a Polish rump state is finished for all time. " "It is for the Poles to gain by labour the home in the Generalgouvernement which the Fuehrer of the Great German Reich has conceded to them."
January 29th. The Reichsgau of Silesia which, according to an official explanation of the Reichspressestelle, has grown to proportions far exceeding those of other provinces of the Reich, both in regard to territory and to the number of its inhabitants, is by a decree of the Fuehrer divided into one Reichsgau of Upper Silesia and another of Lower Silesia. The annexed Polish territories lie within the borders of Upper Silesia (Oberschlesien), whose capital is Katowice. Fritz Bracht, SA-Brigadefuehrer, becomes Gauleiter and Oberpraesident of Reichsgau Oberschlesien. After three months in office Gauleiter Bracht visits Cracow, and here declares at a party "manifestation" (Kundgebung) on May 3rd: "I have been ordered by the Fuehrer to make the Gau Oberschlesien German."
April 5th. Dr. Frank made chairman of the "International Chamber of Law'" (consisting of representatives of Germany, Italy, Denmark, Norway, Japan, Bulgaria, Hungary, Holland, Spain, Rumania, Finland, Portugal). He speaks on the principles of "the new order of nations" at its meeting in Berlin.
April 20th. At a solemn celebration of the Fuehrer's birthday in Cracow Dr. Frank declares: "I assert that there never was such order in this territory as prevails now."
June 22nd. War between Germany and the U.S.S.R.
June 24th. German troops take Wilno and Brzesc-on-Bug. June 30th. German troops occupy Lwow.
August 1st. Three voivodships of south-eastern Poland incorporated in the" Generalgouvernement" under the name of a "District of Galicia. " The population of the "Generalgouvernement" thereby increased to some 18 million inhabitants.
September 5th. Dr. Frank announces the issue of new postage stamps, bearing a portrait of the Fuehrer and the inscription Deutsches Reich - Generalgouvernement. He declares : " The whole world is thus told that the Generalgouvernement is not only incorporated in the sphere of German power, but in the Great German Reich itself. "
October 26th. On the second anniversary of his taking office Dr. Frank states: "The Generalgouvernement is the first great school of training for thought in terms of big spaces, the first place where the leaders (die Fuehrung) can put into execution our new conception of the word Reich." The "Generalgouvernement" remains a "completely independent autarchic and autonomous appendage of the Great German Reich, under the personal direction [Fuehrung] of the Governor-General, " but "the way is thus traced . . . beyond the Genera1gouvernement and beyond the work in this space [Raum], on into the immortal great empire [Reich] of Adolf Hitler."
November 18th. Hitler decrees a civil administration to be created for the territories occupied in the course of the war against the U.S.S.R. Alfred Rosenberg as " Reichsminister for the Occupied Eastern Territories" stands at its head. These territories are divided into two administrative units, the Ostland (East Country) and the Ukraine. The first includes nearly the whole of two Polish voivodships. The Ostland is administered by a Reichskommissar in the person of Heinrich Lohse, who resides in Riga. The Reichskommissariat Ukraine includes the territory of two more Polish voivodships. Erich Koch is Reichskommissar for the Ukraine and resides at Rowne. The Reichskommissariate are divided into Generalbezirke (ruled by Generalkommissars), and these again are subdivided into Kreisgebiete (ruled by Gebietskommissars).
The northern part of the Polish voivodship of Bialystok has not been included in the Ostland. Together with a part of the voivodship of Polesie it forms a separate Bezirk of Bialystok, which is administered by the Oberpraesident of the province of East Prussia, who acts as civilian commissioner (Zivilkommissar). At the moment of writing, Erich Koch, Reichskommissar for the Ukraine is also Oberpraesident of East Prussia.
November 19th. In Berlin, at a meeting of the NS-Rechtswahrerbund (Union of National Socialist Guardians of Law - i.e., lawyers) the Governor-General, Dr. Frank, declared that" the victory of Adolf Hitler's arms will also be a victory of right. "

February 1942.
 
 

Chapter II

THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH

THE PAST

POLAND was converted to Christianity in the second half of the tenth century, in the reign of Duke Mieszko, who had married a Christian princess, Dubrawka of Bohemia. The country's first missionaries were Italians, Frenchmen, Irish monks, Saxons, and Bavarians, while the first missionary bishop was a German or Frenchman, named Jordan. In the year 1000 A.D. the first king of Poland, Boleslas the Brave, organized a church hierarchy with the support of the Emperor Otto Ill. The metropolitan archbishopric of Gniezno was created, as well as the bishoprics of Poznan (which became the see of the missionary bishop), Cracow. Wroclaw (Breslau - capital of the then purely Polish province of Silesia), and Kolobrzeg (Kolberg) in present-day German Pomerania. Up to the sixteenth century the Polish people were unwaveringly true to the Church of Rome, and none of the mediaeval sects found any considerable following in the country. Neither did the tribunals of the Inquisition gain a foothold in Poland. A number of saints and Beati bear witness to the fervour of faith in the realm. The best known are: St. Stanislas, Bishop of Cracow (eleventh century) St. Hyacinth (thirteenth century), St. John Cantius and St. Casimir, son of a Polish king (fifteenth century). The sixteenth century added St. Stanislas Kostka, scion of a noble house The conversion of Lithuania to Latin Christianity, through the marriage of Duke Jagielllo to Queen Jadwiga of Poland in 1386, forms a notable page of Polish as well as of Church history.
In the sixteenth century Protestantism began to spread in Poland. Lutheranism, Calvinisn and tenets of the so-called Bohemian Brethren were its main forms, though other creeds an sects also met with tolerance and a hospitable welcome. But the Reformation never reached the peasant class, and not many of the gentry were seriously affected, so that most of Poland was again in unity with Rome within a comparatively short time after the Council of Trent. The Polish Cardinal Stanislas Hosius took an important part not only in the Council itself, but in the formulation and spreading of its ideas. In the eastern provinces, gained by Poland's union with Lithuania, there was still a compact mass of population adhering to the Greek Orthodox Church, but in 1596 a large number joined the Church of Rome while retaining the Greek ritual, thus forming the so-called Uniate Church.
The long struggle which Poland waged for many centuries against the Tartars and Turks served only to strengthen and inspire the quality of her Christianity, and to confirm belief that the defence of Europe was nothing less than an historical mission. While the neighbourhood of two increasingly powerful non-Catholic states-Protestant Prussia and Greek Orthodox Russia--contributed to make catholicism the State religion. With the decline of Poland's power in the eighteenth century these neighbours made the defence of their co-religionists a pretext for interfering with her internal affairs, although in fact religious "minorities" enjoyed infinitely better conditions in Poland than in Western Europe. The instructions given by Frederick II of Prussia and by the Tsarist Government to their respective ambassadors in Warsaw prove their insincerity. Frederick expressly stated that any full equality of rights for religious minorities was to be avoided, since it would do away with a convenient excuse for interference with Poland's home affairs. Such policy resulted at last in a rising against Russia, known as the Confederation of Bar (1768-72). The defeat of this rising was followed by the first partition of the country.
When her neighbours, by repeated acts of aggression, at last succeeded in erasing the name of Poland from the map, the nation as a whole clung still more firmly to the catholic faith, though deist and positivist tendencies temporarily influenced certain groups. Every subsequent insurrection and struggle for independence was marked by its religious and Catholic temper, though how far that was from any fanaticism is confirmed by the fact that they were often led by Polish Protestants (General Henryk Dabrowski and Edward Jurgens among others), and also by the fact that both Protestants and Jews as well as Catholics held services during the last great rising of 1863-64, when Polish battle flags bore the picture of Our Lady of Czestochowa.
Priests of the Roman Catholic Church were conspicuous in every Polish attempt to regain independence. Bishop Adam Krasinski was the true author of the Confederation of Bar; the Rev. Kollataj and the Rev. Majer were conspicuous in Kosciuszko's rising of 1794: in the rising of 1830-31 armed peasant detachments were organized by priests, particularly in the neighbourhood of Wilno. And this was true also of the rising of 1863-64, in which a detachment commanded by the Rev. Brzozka held out longest against the enemy.
In other ways too, Catholicism is closely linked with Poland's national history. When school reform was planned and carried through in Poland during the eighteenth century, and the first Ministry of Education formed, Roman Catholic priests were its most notable figures -Koillataj, Piramowicz, Kopczynski. Dlugosz, Poland's greatest chronicler, Skarga, a great preacher, Sarbiewski, a famous author of Latin verse, Konarski, an eminent political writer and educationist, Bishop Krasicki, satirist and poet, Naruszewicz, Poland's first historian in modern style-all these great names of Polish literature belong to priests of the Roman Catholic Church. The finest Polish poetry is steeped in catholic atmosphere, as may be seen in the work of Mickiewicz, Slowacki, Krasinski, Norwid, Wyspianski or Kasprowicz, to name only a few.
This deep religious feeling, and trust in God's blessing on a just cause, strengthened the Poles in battle and gave them hopes of victory even when human calculation seemed to fail. Contra spem spero - this was the sole consolation of thousands driven into the forests of Siberia or tortured in Tsarist, Prussian, and (up to the middle of the nineteenth century) Austrian prisons.
The enemy Governments were well aware of this unbreakable link between Polish national and religious feeling. Both Tsarists and Germans struck at the Catholic Church in Poland in their efforts to weaken the Polish people. It is no secret to-day that Bismarck's Kulturkampj aimed mainly at destroying the influence of the Roman Catholic clergy on the Polish population. Tsarist Russia's persecution of the Uniate Church between 1875 and 1905 had the same end in view.
The concordat concluded in 1925 between Poland and the Holy See recognized five metropolitan sees of the Latin ritual, i.e., (1) Gniezno-Poznan, comprising the archdioceses of Poznan and Gniezno, and the dioceses of Chelmno and Wloclawek; (2) Warsaw, comprising the archdiocese of Warsaw, with the dioceses of Plock, Sandomierz, Lublin, Siedlce (Podlasie), and Lodz; (3) Wilno, comprising the archdiocese of Wilno and the dioceses of Lomza and Pinsk ; (4) Lwow, with the archdiocese of Lwow and the dioceses of Przemysl and Luck; (5) Cracow, comprising the archdiocese of Cracow, with the dioceses of Tarnow, Kielce, Czestochowa and Katowice. There was also a metropolitan see of the Greek Uniate ritual at Lwow, comprising the dioceses of Lwow, Przemysl, and Stanislawow, as well as an archbishopric of the Armenian ritual. Of Roman Catholics there were 3,853,000 in the metropolitan see of Gniezno-Poznan, 6,483,000 in that of Warsaw, 2,458,000 in that of Wilno, 2,705,000 in that of Lwow, and 5,171,000 in that of Cracow. The lay clergy in all five together numbered 9,731, including two cardinals, three archbishops, and forty-one bishops. There were also in Poland 1,663 priests belonging to various religious orders, most of whom fulfilled pastoral duties for religious congregations or taught in seminaries.

THE PRESENT

ENOUGH has been said to demonstrate the fundamental importance of the Roman Catholic Church in Poland's national life, and to illustrate the powerful influence of its clergy on all classes of the Polish people. That this was well known to the Germans is confirmed by many of their statements for instance, by a report of the Reich's last ambassador in Warsaw before the war. Count Moltke wrote, on August 1st, 1939:
Particular note should be taken of the activities of the Polish clergy, whose influence is exceedingly great owing to the strength of religious feeling still to be found in all classes of the people; its [i.e., the clergy's] members are the more willing to use personal influence without reserve in aiding Polish anti-German propaganda in that its own interests are wholly identical with those of the state. The clergy are telling the nation that Poland is on the eve of a holy war against German neo-paganism. {Dokumente zur Vorgeschichte des Krieges, Berlin, 1939, p. 403, Nr. 444.}
The attitude shared by Poland and Polish Catholicism towards the approaching German Nazi peril is well characterized in these words, which are also evidence that the clergy of Poland clearly recognized this peril and assessed it rightly.
For this reason the Germans displayed hostility as soon as they entered Polish territory, and initial oppression of the Roman Catholic Church and its clergy ended often enough in plain persecution.
This attitude has made itself felt with particular brutality in the territories "incorporated in the Reich," whereas the "Generalgouvernement" enjoys a limited measure of religious freedom and acts too visibly oppressive are avoided within its frontiers. It is best, therefore, to treat these two spheres of German occupation separately.

1. Nazi Policy in "Territories incorporated in the Reich"

Throughout Poznania and Polish Pomerania an incredibly widespread and intensive reign of terror began immediately upon the entry of the Germans. Priests were among its first victims, particularly those who had been known for their patriotism and civic activity. The fairly numerous German inhabitants of these provinces, whom the first hours of the war revealed as members of a great network of spies, denounced them to the arriving army or Gestapo units as "enemies of things German" (Feinde des Deutschtums), and the simplest form of' “justice" meted out for that crime was a revolver bullet. The following priests thus met their end:
The Rev. Dziubinski, of Obrzycko;
The Rev. Jakubowski, of Bydgoszcz (Bromberg) ;
The Rev. Janke, of Jaktorowo
The Rev. Jadrzyk, of Lechlin;
The Rev. Kluge, of Lewice;
The Rev Kozlowicz, of Bukowiec;
The Rev. Lewicki, of Goscieszyn;
The Rev. Niziolkiewicz, of Slaboszewo;
The Rev. Nowicki, of Janowiec;
The Rev. Nowicki, of Szczepanowo;
The Rev. Rolski, of Szczepanowo;
The Rev. Rzadki, of Srem;
The Rev. Skrzypczak, of Plonkowo;
The Rev. Szarek, of Bydgoszcz;
The Rev. Wiorek, of Bydgoszcz;
The Rev. Dean Zablocki, of Gniezno;
and many others. It is impossible to list all the names at this moment, and there is even difficulty in establishing the exact number of victims, but it is quite certain that during the first weeks of German occupation, over seventy priests were shot or otherwise killed in the provinces of Poznania and Polish Pomerania. Some were executed together with lay persons-such was the case with the Rev. Rzadki, shot in the market-place at Srem - others separately. In some cases the alleged motive was "reprisal." Such" reprisals" for the so-called "Bloody Sunday" of Bydgoszcz (that is, the alleged lynching of German "fifth-columnists" in that town by Polish military units - a matter which has not yet been sufficiently investigated,) among other victims claimed two Lazarists and the Rev. Jakubowski, who was so brutally pitched inside a lorry that he sustained a fracture of the spinal column. Canon Szulc, one of the parish priests, was beaten and ill-treated; he asked to be shot, but this was refused, as being too great an honour for "a dog of a Pole." He was sent to the concentration camp at Oranienburg, where he died in August 1940. There were many similar cases of priests being ill-treated: Dean Zablocki, for instance, was dragged from the hospital where he lay wounded and was chased through the streets of the town before being shot at Inowroclaw.
Such executions are also known to have taken place in the more easterly territories "incorporated in the Reich"; nineteen priests were shot in the diocese of Plock, some thirty in that of Wloclawek.
Names of priests executed or disgustingly ill-treated by the Germans are not all known, for very many were deported to Germany and all trace of them has been lost. Mass deportation to concentration camps began very soon, and of this, as of other German acts of terrorism, it may be said that it assumed incredible proportions.
As soon as German military administration was instituted in Poznania and Polish Pomerania some 80 per cent. of the priests in those provinces were arrested, and at first placed in a number of isolation camps set up in those territories (Rypin, Gorna Grupa, Kazimierz Biskupi, Obludow, Obra, Goruszki, Puszczykowko, Lublin, Bruczkow). Later those under sixty were sent to the concentration camps of Dachau, Oranienburg, Mauthausen, Gusen, and Buchenwalde. It is known that groups of priests were also sent there in May and August 1940. On March 1st, 1941, some six hundred priests out of a complement of seven hundred in the diocese of Chelmno (Kulm), in Polish Pomerania, were still in concentration camps; only about one hundred had managed to avoid arrest. In the archdioceses of Gniezno and Poznan the situation is equally grave. In the former, by March 1st, 1941, scarcely 75 priests were left of the 380 who officiated on September 1st, 1939 ; in the latter some 250 out of 681. Only a small number of those arrested were permitted to leave for the "Generalgouvernement." The Most Reverend Dymek, suffragan bishop of the diocese of Poznan, is under arrest at his lodgings (the other bishops of this diocese were not in residence at the time of the enemy's entry). Seminary students have for the most part been deported to forced labour in Germany. After the first year of German occupation not more than 25 per cent. of priests still served their parishes at Poznan, the archiepiscopal seat. Of these there now remain only four. In August 1940 only four priests were left in the archiepiscopal town of Gniezno, three of them aged men. Now, even that number is reduced. And so the situation grows worse.
October 6th, 1941, was a day of disaster for the Church in the archdiocese of Poznan. Two hundred and ten priests were arrested and imprisoned in the notorious casemates of Fort VII at Poznan; only thirty were left in office, most of them Germans. Ten other priests, all old men of over seventy, were also left at liberty.
The majority of Polish clergy in Silesia have also been taken to the concentration camp at Mauthausen; less than a hundred escaped. The bishop-inordinary of the diocese of Katowice, Adamski, was sent to the "Generalgouvernement" as an ordinary deportee-that is to say, with ten Reichsmark in his pocket and twenty-five kilogrammes of hand-luggage. The Most Reverend Bieniek, suffragan bishop of Katowice, was deported in the same way ..
Similar conditions prevailed in those parts of the central dioceses of Poland which also suffered annexation to the Reich. Thus for instance in the diocese of Plock, of well over three hundred priests listed in 1939 there were some, hundred and fifty dead or in concentration camps on November 1st, 1941. From the town of Plock alone, twenty-three priests were deported to concentration camps, with Bishop Nowowiejski, a man of eighty-four, and the suffragan bishop, the Most Reverend Wetmanski, at their head. On June 28th, 1941, the bishop died in the camp. In the diocese of Lodz, on the night of May 6th, 1941, the Germans arrested both bishops (Jasinski and Tomczak), five canons of the chapter, the chancellor of the episcopal curia,.. and a member of the episcopal court of law; at first they were isolated and confined at a place near Lodz, and at the end of the summer interned at Biecz. From the towns of Lodz and Kalisz alone seventy-five priests were sent to concentration camps. The suffragan bishop of Wloclawek, the Most Rev. Kozal, has been interned at Lad. In those parts of the archdiocese of Cracow and diocese of Lomza which were" incorporated in the Reich" many priests. suffered a like fate. As for the annexed parts of the archdiocese of Warsaw, on August 28th, 1940, almost all the priests of the Kutno and Zychlin deaneries were deported to Oranienburg concentration camp. The removal of priests. continues steadily; they are imprisoned or sent to concentration camps on the flimsiest pretexts, and only a very few manage to escape at the 'last moment. to the" Generalgouvernement, " where they have to live in hiding.

•••

RELIGIOUS ORDERS and CONGREGATIONS are persecuted by Nazism with particular spite, and in the territories "incorporated in the Reich" they have been singled out for specially severe treatment. Some members were imprisoned, the rest deported to the "Generalgouvernement," all monastic buildings and other possessions being confiscated. In this manner all the Jesuit houses in those territories - at Gdynia, Grudziadz, Kalisz, Poznan, Leczyca, Dziedzice, and Lodz - were closed down and the buildings confiscated. At Poznan the Dominicans were deprived of their newly built monastery; at Bydgoszcz the Lazarists lost their new house and monastery church, which were converted into headquarters for the Gestapo; at Jarocin the Franciscans were driven from their new buildings. The members of the Congregation of the Holy Ghost were driven out from Bydgoszcz, the Missionaries of the Holy Family from Gorka Klasztorna, Wielun, Kruszewo, Bablin,. and Kazimierz Biskupi; the Pallottine Fathers from Suchary, near Naklo, the Camaldolese from Bieniszewo, the Salesians, the Resurrectionists, and the Oblati from Poznan, and so on and so on. A few exceptions were made in favour of monastic centres considered to be German, like the church and monastery of the Franciscans at Poznan, whence Polish friars were deported, while German friars were brought from the Reich and the church devoted to the sole use of Germans.

•••

WOMEN'S RELIGIOUS INSTITUTES suffered even heavier losses. In the archdiocese of Gniezno alone the Nazis confiscated fourteen houses belonging to the Sisters of Charity, who had conducted orphanages, hospitals and almshouses there. Their Hospital of the Transfiguration at Poznan was likewise confiscated. Nineteen houses were taken from the Sisters of St. Elizabeth, seven from those of the Immaculate Conception. The Ursulines were deported from Poznan as early as the end of November 1939, and their buildings, which had housed a girls' high school and boarding school, were appropriated for Gestapo headquarters. The majority of the Ursulines of Pniewy were deported to the "Generalgouvernement" at the end of the summer of 1940. The Carmelite nuns of Poznan had to leave their house in September 1940 and were taken to Cracow. The members of the Borromeo House at Cieszyn were expelled from their home. The Sisters of the Congregation of St. Elizabeth at Jezyce (Poznan) were almost all-including the Provincial, a woman of eighty-deported in 1941 to Bojanowo, where they were treated like other inmates of concentration camps. Their Poznan hospital was taken over by German lay-nurses, the so-called Braune Schwestern, whose habitually rough and rude behaviour towards the Polish nuns degenerated sometimes into common physical brutality. All the possessions of the Congregation were officially seized, and its members, from other houses at Poznan, were also deported to Bojanowo. "Trustees" were put in charge of those few individual charitable and educational institutions which were allowed to remain in spite of their being the property of religious societies. Nazi treatment of such societies, as we see, varied-probably in proportion to their international influence.

•••

In arresting priests and members of religious congregations various methods were employed. At Poznan four only were summoned to the Gestapo before the first group was imprisoned, and these four on pain of death had to summon the rest for the next day. It was alleged that the intention was to avoid any widespread reaction among the population, and it was also naively asserted that a service was thereby rendered to the victims, who were thus not taken wholly unprepared !
In this same town of Poznan, however, in August 1940, sixteen priests were seized quite unexpectedly, some from their lodgings, others from vestries, confessionals, and so on. In other cases, proceedings were more or less brutal. To specify, at Bydgoszcz the Rev. Kukulka was arrested in a cell of the Poor Clares' convent where he was administering the Sacrament to a sick nun; he was not even permitted to take the Sanctissimum back to the chapel. The Rev. Dobrzynski, curate at Znin, was also seized on his way to give the viaticum to a sick man. The Gestapo actually broke into the Poor Clares' house at Bydgoszcz when the nuns were at prayer in their chapel. They were grossly insulted, driven out (with the exception of the Superior, who was sick), and imprisoned for twenty-four hours in the cellars of the police offices, during which time the police looted the convent.
In PRISONS and CAMPS priests are subjected to special ill-treatment and persecution. As an example we may quote the “temporary" camp at Pabianice. where some 15,000 persons were kept, and where every Sunday, eight priests and eight Jews were detailed to clean the latrines. The Gestapo used to photograph these scenes and make "witty" remarks. At Bydgoszcz 500 people arrested in the autumn of 1939 were driven into a stable, where they were packed so tightly that it was impossible for anyone to sit down. They were not allowed out even for the most primitive physical needs; a Jew and Canon S. had to collect the faecalia with their hands; when a curate, the Rev. M., wanted to take the Canon's place he was struck with a rifle butt. The priests imprisoned at Poznan were confined in what had, in normal times, served as a punishment cell and which they were now forced to share with habitual criminals. Thirty of them were kept in the notorious casemates of Fort VII at Poznan, and the German commandant, Debius, forced them to carry out “drill exercises," during which he kept his victims up to the mark by revolver shots fired into the air. One day a bullet struck the Rev. Mrzyk, killing him on the spot. Another prisoner whose death was brought about by ill-treatment was the Rev. Janicki, D.D. of Sroda. He was forced to climb a slope thickly coated with congealed snow, and he was so mercilessly flogged forward that he fainted. He was put in a sick-room, in the worst dungeon of the fort, and there died.
As a general principle all priests and Jews in concentration camps are assigned to the so-called penal platoons, which have to do the worst work and are subjected to the worst treatment, so that they provide the largest percentage of deaths. News comes continually of priests who have died, or caskets containing their ashes arrive. Of some four hundred priests and eighty seminary students from Poland imprisoned at the Oranienburg camp, eighty died in the course of the first five months of 1940. During the same period, of some hundred and sixty priests belonging mostly to the dioceses of Poznan and Gniezno, thirty-five died at Mauthausen and Gusen. A favourite method, much used in camps, is the long roll-call which sometimes lasts many hours in the open, regardless of weather, thin camp clothing and the prisoners' state of health. Even the seriously sick and the dying must be carried out to these roll-calls by their companions. Care of the sick depends entirely on the caprice of the warder, for places in the sick-rooms are few and are secured not by a doctor's opinion, but by the arbitrary decision of the barrack commandant. The death-rate is consequently enormous. The following two cases may serve to illustrate camp conditions. The Rev. Prelate Wrzol (diocese of Katowice), late rector of a seminary, an elderly man with a heart complaint, reported to the camp office as sick. He was simply and literally kicked out, and when after a time he reported again he was never seen any more. The Rev. Scigala, of Bogucice, a tall, strong man, was so battered with spades at Gusen that among other injuries he suffered a fracture of the arm; then, when he was seriously ill in bed, he was seized, thrown into cold water, and there washed with brooms, so that soon afterwards he died. It is nothing unusual at roll-calls to kill off grievously sick prisoners with cudgels.
In the autumn of 1941 most Polish priests were concentrated at Dachau, where their position is improved by this much, that they may read or hear mass.

+ + +

THE CURE OF SOULS is, of course, wholly disorganized by this persecution of the clergy in the territories "incorporated in the Reich." In the archdiocese of Poznan, which numbers some 1,300,000 Roman Catholic inhabitants, grouped in 370 parishes, 340 of these were left without priests by October 1941 ; in the archdiocese of Gniezno scarcely any of its 261 parishes had one by that date. The official gazetteer for April 1st, 1941, shows that on that date 139 parishes out of a total of 314 in the diocese of Chelmno (Polish Pomerania) were vacancies. The same gazetteer states that fifty-three priests died in 1940 - that is to say, well after the first spate of executions; nor does this list appear to be complete. In other dioceses many parishes are also deprived of their priests, but it is not possible to give exact figures. It is known, however, that by May 1941 the county of Wloclawek had only ten, by October of that year scarcely half that number; and a similar state of things prevails in the counties of Plock, Kutno, Gostynin, and throughout most of the so-called Wartheland. Those priests who do remain have deliberate difficulties put in their way. In many places they have had to leave their official residences (in Poznania and Polish Pomerania this is the acknowledged rule); at best they have been permitted to keep one room, the German administrative authorities usually profiting by this occasion to appropriate their furniture, bedding, and so on. At Poznan all Polish priests who were not arrested were compelled to seek new lodgings of inferior quality.

+ + +

Decrees aimed directly against RELIGIOUS PRACTICE kept step with this campaign against the clergy. The collegiate church of St. Mary Magdalen at Poznan, the finest in the town, was closed in September 1939. Some weeks later the Cathedral was also closed, and, in December following, the Church of St. Michael. The Cathedral was alleged to be in a ruinous condition. Other churches were open only on Sundays from 9 to 11 A.M. Only requiem masses were permitted on weekdays, but this permission was soon restricted to masses for persons just deceased, for at first such masses were immediately provided for in all the churches, and in that of Corpus Christi a catafalque uninterruptedly occupied the nave. Since the middle of November 1939, approximately, the majority of churches are inaccessible on a weekday. Services in monastic and hospital chapels, usually attended by the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, from then on could be held only behind closed doors and in the presence of members of the household.
As the months went by more churches were closed. At Poznan the Jesuit church was closed when the Jesuits were deported, then the churches of St. John Kanty, St. John Vianney, St. Roch, the parish church of the Gorczyn quarter and the chapel of St. Joseph; and so on until by the autumn of 1941 only three parishes out of the nineteen which had previously existed in the town remained. . Of these three in use, one is exclusively German; the other two have small, modest churches, quite inadequate for the needs of the large Catholic population of the town. At Bydgoszcz the old Jesuit church was demolished - for architectural reasons, so it is said. The cathedral of Gniezno, a treasure-house of Polish national relics, indissolubly linked with the memory of Poland's earliest history, is no longer in use as a house of God; it is only open as a museum to German tourists, and from time to time concerts are given there-for Germans only, of course. Since October 6th, 1941, the two archdioceses of Poznan and Gniezno may be said merely to be graveyards of religious activities. Few churches remain in which mass is still said. Things are no better in the diocese of Lodz, from which, on the 5th and 6th of October, the majority of priests were deported while the churches were closed, so that now whole counties are deprived of any religious ministration. It is the same in the diocese of Wloclawek, and here a number of churches pave been demolished altogether (at Boniewo, Wieniec, Kruszyn, Lubomin and Smilowice).
The twelfth century cathedral at Plock has been turned into a storage-place for furniture from lodgings, from which Polish owners have been expelled. In Poznania during the first months of occupation several churches were set on fire (for example at Dziewierzew), and Poles were accused of arson. While preparing for the Russian campaign the Germans further annexed churches .at Nasielsk, Mlawa, Pultusk, Brzeziny, and other places for use as army storehouses.
In order to render contact with the Church more difficult it has been made obligatory in Poznania and Polish Pomerania to have a permit for passing from one village to another; only one member of each family may be sent to Sunday service in the parish church situated in a neighbouring village, and then only if it bas proved possible to secure a permit.
Churches, if open at all, may be so only for two hours on Sunday, as we have already mentioned. That makes it difficult to find time for even a short sermon, and of course there is no question of meetings of any religious society. It is also made very difficult to administer the sacrament of penance, the more so since, as a general principle, no priest may give help in another's parish. The curfew makes it impossible to administer the sacraments to the sick at night in case of sudden need and in any case no night permits are granted for such a purpose.
There have been other restrictions. Between September and December 1939 priests in Poznania and Polish Pomerania could not perform marriage ceremonies. They were forbidden to do so unless the marriage had previously been performed before the lay registrar, and this official on principle refused to sanction marriages between Poles. It was only in 1940 that this regulation was somewhat modified. In some districts, like Kutno, priests were forbidden to administer the sacrament of baptism.
In consequence of all this, religious ritual in the western provinces of Poland s mostly observed in secret; mass is said, children baptized, confession heard and Communion administered only in private houses.
Holy places are no longer respected. In October 1939 a number of churches were desecrated by being turned into prisons, in which some hundreds of people were kept for several days at a time without permission to leave. The prisoners were beaten and insulted. At Gostynin, on June 12th, 1941, Corpus Christi Day, the gendarmerie invaded the church just before the service and arrested some hundred and fifty men as a reprisal for the killing of a German gendarme in one of the neighbouring villages (ten of these men were afterwards publicly shot in the market-place of Gostynin; ten were also shot at each of the near-by boroughs of Lack, Ilowo and Gabin). At Poznan on a certain Sunday in May 1941 the priests in some churches were compelled to read from the pulpit a German order enjoining all young men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five to leave the church immediately: they fell into the hands of the police, who had come up to the churches with lorries, and all these boys were taken to forced labour in Germany.
At Torun, Kutno, and other places the police from time to time confiscate Polish prayer-books from people entering and leaving a church. During the mass closure of churches in October 1941 sacrilege was more than once committed against the Blessed Sacrament, the Hosts being scattered from the chalice. In the garden of the Seminary of Plock mock processions were organized in December 1939. S.S. men dressed up Jews in surplices, albs, and chasubles, and afterwards amid great merriment. chased them around with kicks and blows.
The hitherto existing organization of the Church in Poland has been completely destroyed. The complete separation of the western provinces from the “Generalgouvernement" not only breaks up metropolitan provinces and dioceses but dismembers much smaller territorial units, even parishes.
Nor are these separated parts permitted any communication with each other.
In the territories "incorporated in the Reich" the boundaries of deaneries are made to coincide with those of districts, so as to facilitate control by the State authorities over the registration of Catholic inhabitants, civil marriage, and so on. Throughout these territories most of the competent ecclesiastical superiors have been interned or deported and orders are issued to the remaining clergy by the civil authorities. The papers, archives and seals of the episcopal curiae have everywhere been confiscated. On March 14th, 1941, the Germans deprived the Church of its rights as a pnblic institution, and have since treated it as a private association, so that priests have been forbidden to collect money for church needs or to carry on organized works of charity. In the middle of the year 1941 the chapters were closed. The transfer of priests from one parish to another is purely a matter for the police to decide.
The diocese of Chelmno alone has been differently treated. On October 5th, 1939, it was handed over to the administration of the German Bishop of Danzig, the Most Rev. Splett, evidently with the consent of the Nuncio in Berlin. This bishop began by publicly calling upon all parish priests to return to their posts. Most of those who did so were immediately arrested. This is not to say that the Most Rev. Splett knew this was going to happen, though his later acts show him to be a most obedient tool of the German regime. This is sufficiently demonstrated by the official Personal-Schematismus of both the dioceses under his administration. It is the only publication of its kind for the territories "incorporated in the Reich," which has appeared in 1941, and we have already quoted some facts it gives. We may add further that the central diocesan authorities of Chelmno (curia, consistory) and the diocese's Church organizations were all dissolved and their functions taken over by the corresponding bodies at Danzig. All the deans, seventeen in number, were deposed and German priests took their places under the title of "Bishop's Commissioners." At the beginning of 1941 only seventy-six pre-war parish priests and vicars were to be found in the 175 parishes which continued to function out of a total of 314; some of these were Germans. Now, at the close of the year, the number has decreased considerably. Judging by the official list, the new nominees are all Germans. Only a few town parishes still have curates. There is not a single monastery left in the diocese. Of nuns there remain in all 457, mostly hospital staff, belonging to the Congregation of Sisters of Charity (202) and of S1. Elisabeth (155). We shall have occasion to mention the Bishop of Danzig's proceedings again later on.  .
The intensity of the anti-religious campaign varied very much. The regions of Kepno and Ostrow suffered least, comparatively speaking, for in these border areas almost all the population were evacuated as soon as hostilities began; no outrages could be committed, for victims were lacking. When the evacuees returned, the authorities of the Kepno county took a far milder course than elsewhere - only two priests were removed, services could be held, even the midnight mass was permitted at Christmas. A number of priests took refuge here from persecutions in other regions. In the second half of 1941, however, the majority of churches were closed even here, and even the presence of a number of Volksdeutsch inhabitants of the Roman Catholic faith did not avail to secure complete immunity. Conditions were worst along the Notec river, where the longest and fiercest fighting had taken place twenty years before, in the rising of Poznania in 1918-19. The 6th Company of German infantry from Dresden will deserve special mention in the history of the martyrdom of this stretch of land. It was stationed in the three frontier counties of Szubin, Mogilno and Inowrodaw. Later the Gestapo took over the work of persecution, with the aid of auxiliary police units recruited from the local Volksdeutsch settlers.
In spite of such purely local differences the anti-religious campaign was carried on systematically, and always with one clear and definite aim. The removal of the local clergy not only put the natural adversaries of Nazism out of action. It also deprived the masses of their spiritual leaders. In this respect the campaign against the clergy formed part of the greater one conducted in all the territory "incorporated in the Reich" - that is, the campaign utterly to exterminate the whole of the Polish educated classes. The purpose of this deliberate hindering of religious practices was to deprive the masses of their last common Polish bond, to break the last visible thread of common Polish tradition. The enemy probably counted on a resulting spiritual depression which should lead more swiftly to apathy and resignation, and more completely to acquiescence in the new conditions. They counted in vain .

•••

Nor was this all. Word went forth that all Polish features must be erased from the landscape. One of the TRADITIONS OF CATHOLIC POLAND had been the erection of wooden crosses or stone shrines with statues of Our Lady or the saints at cross-roads, at the edge of woods, at the entrance of villages, in town and village squares. They were memorials of local events, votive offerings for the ending of an epidemic, safe return from a war, deliverance from drowning and the like. There is no corner of Poland without these visible signs of religious cult, and many of them are an expression of the most truly indigenous artistic inspiration, even though primitive in form. They are venerated by all classes of the population, in particular by the peasants. In certain months of the year, especially in May and October, they dress them with flowers and green branches, and gather round them in the evening to recite prayers and sing hymns. {This essential feature of Polish custom has been well described by F. Friedrich Muckermann. S.J., a German who spent several years in Poland during the war of 1914-18. "I remember the May evenings at Czestochowa in the year 1915. There was a statue of Our Lady by the side of Jasna Gora, not far from the monastery. In the gloaming Polish girls gathered there and sang melodies. A few lights burned and shed their rays on fresh May flowers. So every evening 'Society' wended its way there, pagans, Jews, Christians, Catholics and Protestants. They sat, a quiet congregation, in the shade of the trees, against walls and booths, on hidden benches and stones. They listened to the most beautiful songs the soul of man has ever produced - well-known Marian hymns, to which is added in the Polish language that note of melancholy that is the heritage of tragic national destiny and sounds in all deep-felt Polish poetry." (Der Moench tritt ueber die Schwelle, Berlin 1932, p. 91.) }
The Germans decided to destroy these Polish CROSSES and WAYSIDE SHRINES.
In the dioceses of Poznan, Gniezno, and Chelmno this was done at once, during the first weeks of enemy occupation - later the campaign of destruction was extended throughout the territory "incorporated in the Reich." In some places the authorities forced the local carpenter and smith, aided by farm labourers, to take these memorials to pieces and demolish them under German supervision. When this happened crowds of peasant women and children gathered round the spot, the children busying themselves in collecting fragments of the broken figures, which their mothers carried away to be reverently kept in their cottages against a better day. Elsewhere the Germans did the dirty work themselves. Wayside crosses were cast to the ground or cut down with axes. In the county of Mogilno, by the side of the road which leads to Strzelno the figure of Christ was torn down from a great crucifix dominating the whole landscape, and a board with a swastika was substituted. Even objects of great artistic and antiquarian value were not spared, as witness the old shrine at Chelmno in Polish Pomerania, the shrine and statue of Our Lady by the church of St. Martin at Poznan, the cross by the Chwaliszewo bridge in the same town.
Statues of Christ the King, set up in Poland's western provinces after the last war as "Memorials of Gratitude" for deliverance from age-old Prussian captivity, were destroyed with particular rage. First to disappear were the great statues at Poznan and Bydgoszcz. At Poznan even after the destruction of the statue men used to raise their hats in passing the empty site, so that severe penalties were instituted for this action. A woman who made the sign of the cross in passing the site was arrested and imprisoned.
The same type of mind which conceived and had executed the destruction of shrines and crosses no doubt also inspired the closing of Poznan's two most beautiful Catholic CEMETERIES, those of the ancient church of St. Magdalen and of the church of St. Martin, both of which had contained numerous Polish relics dating from the times of captivity. The reason adduced for this act was the necessity for enlarging the grounds of the annual Poznan fair, but in truth it was simply another blow aimed at the people's traditions, one of the many means used to obscure the Polish character of the town. In the cemeteries of Polish Pomerania Polish inscriptions have been removed from gravestones; in the churches the stations of the Cross have received a German text. Even on altars and banners no Polish word is allowed to appear.

•••

Thus MORAL AND MATERIAL INJURIES were inflicted simultaneously (some of the memorials destroyed were large objects, set up at great expense e.g., the Poznan "Memorial of Gratitude" which cost some 800,000 zlotys). From most churches in Poznania and Polish Pomerania liturgical objects such as chalices and monstrances have been taken away. Their value was, of course, considerable - and not only as works of art. . .. Nearly all church buildings and all moneys belonging to the episcopal curiae (including those in banks) have been sequestrated; and estates forming diocesan or parish property have been turned over to State management (oeffentliche Bewirtschaftung).
The archiepiscopal palace of Poznan was at first turned into an army barracks and its interior ruined by the soldiers quartered there; but after some weeks it became a police barracks. The diocesan archives and library were abolished. All seminary buildings have also been confiscated. Such inhabitants as were not deported to concentration camps or to forced labour were allowed to take away only a small quantity of hand-luggage. Their furniture, bedding, part of their clothing and linen were taken from them. The seminary at Plock was turned over to the S.S., who use it for torture-chambers. The diocesan seminary of Gniezno has become the seat of the Gestapo. The private libraries of seminary professors were for the most part consigned to the flames regardless of their contents, and the same fate befell nearly all libraries belonging to deported priests throughout the territory "incorporated in the Reich."
The clergy have been entirely deprived of their incomes, which had consisted of salaries paid by the State in conformity with the concordat signed with the Holy See; they live now only on the alms of the faithful. In addition to this, those priests who have been deported to the "Generalgouvernement" have lost all their movable and immovable possessions, being allowed only ten Reichsmark and twenty-five kilogrammes of hand-luggage. The foundations administered by the Church, the clergy and religious congregations, have all been turned over to the use of the German authorities. Even the Papal Mission Works at Poznan were similarly treated, and among other things robbed of some 250,000 zlotys in ready money .

•••

The Nazis persecute all Catholic RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS as they do the Church. They hate most the Catholic Action, and it was the first to be utterly destroyed, together with all its auxiliary associations. The chairman of the Association of Young Men, Edward Potworowski, was shot in the market-place of Gostyn in October 1939. The chairman and secretary of the Central Institute of the Society were imprisoned in Fort VII at Poznan. Women were also imprisoned; for instance, the president of the Association of Young Women and the secretary of the Caritas organization. The funds of all these societies were confiscated, their papers and office furniture seized by the Gestapo, their employees and officers either imprisoned or deported to the "Generalgouvernement." Other Catholic institutions, like the Institute for Social Work, the Institute of Higher Religious Culture, the Association of Church Choirs, and so on, suffered similarly. All schools conducted by religious congregations have been closed, all six existing theological seminaries abolished, all Catholic publications suppressed-together with the whole of the Polish Press.

•••

These methodical proceedings have been followed by further decrees designed to bring about a complete SEVERANCE OF POLES AND GERMANS even in church. It is now impossible for a Polish priest to minister to a German, nor may a German Catholic enter a Polish church, or profit by the ministrations of a Polish clergyman. This ban is, in many places, observed with the greatest severity. We quote a characteristic saying by one Schmidt, Hauptschulungsleiter of the National Socialist Party, who on November 17th, 1940, declared at Lodz: "Any man who, being a German, assists at a mass said by a Polish priest, or lets such a priest hear his confession here (that is, in occupied territory) cannot be regarded as a true follower of the Fuehrer." Governor Greiser, the despot of the Warthegau, is said to have issued a secret order (Nr. 16/41, dated May 25th, 1941) instructing the police to ascertain whether any Germans were attending services held by Polish priests. "Guilty persons" must be sent for" training" to a local camp, and, if they repeat their offence, to a camp in the Reich. In connection with this, a number of churches have been given over to the Germans, and Poles are forbidden to enter them. Such is the case with the Franciscan church at Poznan, with several churches at Inowroclaw, and so on.
Decrees touching on language are most oppressive in Polish Pomerania, in the diocese of Chelmno. Here the present administrator, the Most Rev. Splett, Bishop of Danzig, has forbidden the use of Polish not only in church prayers, ceremonies, sermons, but even in the confessional - a fact which has led to the introduction of a common confession of sins, on the Protestant model, a thing contrary to the principles of Catholic theology.

2. Nazi Policy in the" Generalgouvernement"

The dioceses of Kielce, Tarnow, Sandomierz, Lublin and Siedlce (Podlasie) were wholly incorporated in the so-called "Generalgouvernement," as were the greater part of the dioceses of Cracow and Warsaw, and parts of the dioceses of Lomza, Plock, Lodz, Przemysl, and Czestochowa. In these places the German occupying authorities chose to use other methods. There were no mass persecutions on such a scale as in the territory "incorporated in the Reich"; the clergy in general are not treated with open brutality; churches are open to worshippers at all hours, wayside crosses and shrines have not been interfered with. Newspapers produced in Polish by the Germans-no others exist openly in the "Generalgouvernement" - on solemn church festivals print special numbers filled with suitable articles and illustrations. And since the campaign against Soviet Russia was begun they sometimes quote from pre-war utterances of Polish bishops - nay, even from the most splendid pages of the history of the Church in Poland. Thus, religious life seemingly continues undisturbed and does not at once appear to have suffered much change. The truth, however, differs greatly from this surface picture. For, among these dioceses, too, there is not one that has not lost members of its clergy, by shooting, or death in prisons and concentration camps. It is hard to give any exact figures at this moment, for the fate of many victims is still unknown and undiscoverable.
Even before hostilities had ceased, three priests were arrested and shot during September 1939 in the diocese of Czestochowa. One of them was Canon Bonaventura Metler, rector of the parish of Parzymiechy and Director of the astronomical observatory of Czestochowa, a man of seventy-three. In the archdiocese of Cracow a certain parish priest and thirty-seven of his parishioners were shot for alleged possession of arms. In the diocese of Sandomierz seven priests were killed, five of them Franciscans from Skarzysko, the fifth, Father Paul Knoppe, Prior to the Oblati of Swiety Krzyz, the sixth, Canon Stanislaw Klimecki, Dean of Drzewica. It is known that some of them were beaten and insulted by the Gestapo before being put to death. In the diocese of Lublin the rector and the curate of Siedliszcze were arrested in October 1939 on account of the murder of a local German; a few days later the rector was shot. On December 23rd, 1939, ten priests of this diocese were shot without any kind of court being held or any charge preferred against them. On January 7th, 1940, three more priests were killed, in July two Redemptionists from Zamosc. In the archdiocese of Warsaw the following were shot: the Rev. Jozef Wierzejski, administrator of the parish of Mszczonow, and the Rev. Wladyslaw Golebiowski, curate of the parish, also the Rev. Sigismund Sajna, Dean of Gora Kalwaria, who was arrested for a sermon preached on December 8th, 1940, in which he dared to hint at a brighter future, some day, for Poland. The curia was officially advised in May 1941 that he had been shot "in execution of a sentence."

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Innumerable other executions and deaths occurred in PRISONS and CONCENTRATION CAMPS, through which many priests have passed and where many still linger.
In the diocese of Czestochowa thirty priests were arrested while hostilities were still in progress; another twenty or so were later added to their number. One of them, Father Romuald Klaczynski, of the Paulite monastery of Czestochowa, was arrested for having said during May devotions in 1940: "Build up Poland in your hearts. " He was kept a long time in the prison at Czestochowa, then sent to the camp at Oswiecim, where he died; his habit was returned to the monastery. On October 1st, 1940-the date of our latest information from this part of the country-twelve priests of the diocese of Czestochowa were still in concentration camps, most of them at Oranienburg. They included several deans. On February 17th and 18th there were numerous arrests of priests at Piotrkow.
In the archdiocese of Cracow over a hundred priests were arrested and eighty-seven of them were deported to concentration camps at Olmuetz, Mannheim, Oswiecim, and Mauthausen. On October 1st, 1940, there were still thirty-seven in these camps, mostly Jesuits (twenty or so) and Lazarists (ten). Some died in camp, as, for example, the prior of the Cracow Lazarists, Father Krause, and his socius. Their health had been mortally weakened by a cold bath, followed by an order to put on clothing wet from disinfecting, without any opportunity to dry themselves, a proceeding to which all the Lazarists were subjected before deportation.
In the diocese of Tarnow twenty priests were arrested: on October 1st, 1940, six of them were still in camp. On the same date nine priests of the diocese of Sandomierz, out of a total of nineteen arrested, were sent to concentration camps.
In the diocese of Kielce some thirty priests were arrested up to the autumn of 1940; in October of that year seven of them were still in concentration camps. Several new arrests were made on February 9th and 10th, 1941.
In November 1939 in the diocese of Przemysl all the priests of the Rzeszow, Jaslo, and Krosno regions were arrested; a year later three of them were still in  camps.
In October and November 1939 the majority of priests in Warsaw, numbering some three hundred, were arrested. Many were released after several weeks, others only after some months. On release a pledge was demanded that they would not take part in any anti-German activity. Some still remain in camps (possibly they die there, for not every decease is officially notified). In September 1940 four of the Warsaw Pallottine Fathers were arrested, including the rector; on October 4th, 1940, the curate of the parish of St. Florian ; in January 1941 three other priests - this in connection with a great terrorist campaign meant to stamp out secret patriotic organizations; on June 26th, 1941, the church and monastery of the Capuchins were searched, and all the friars (twenty-five in number) imprisoned; in the course of their examination they were subjected to tortures. On March 1st, 1941, the number of priests belonging to the Warsaw archdiocese, who were at that time in prisons or concentration camps, was computed at thirty-one. Now, in the autumn of the same year, the figure is probably much larger. According to information dating from the beginning of 1941 six priests have died in prison. The manner of their death is not known. They include the Rev. Zienkowski, Dean of  Rawa Mazowiecka, Monsignor Nowakowski, priest of the parish of Our Saviour in Warsaw, a man well known for his social work, and the Rev. Bronislaw Wroblewski, curate of the same parish. It is also known that two priests were shot together with twenty-three lay persons at a mass execution carried out on February 11th, 1941, at Palmiry, near Warsaw.
In the diocese of Lublin persecution was severe. Large-scale arrests of clergy began here on November 9th, 1939, on which day forty-eight priests were arrested in the town of Lublin. Most of them were taken in the street, several from schools in which they taught, three from their lodgings. Two days later, on November 11th, another twenty-two were arrested, mostly professors at the Catholic University. The ordinary, the Most Rev. Fulman, the suffragan, the Most Rev. Goral, the officials of the curia, two professors of the seminary, and two priests who by chance were found in the offices of the curia, were also all arrested. These eleven were all sentenced to death for arms alleged to have been found in the episcopal palace. They were reprieved and the penalty commuted to imprisonment at Oranienburg for an indefinite term. On December 2nd, 1939, both bishops and nine priests were sent to the camp. The Most Rev. Fulman, a man of eighty, was taken, after some months, to Nowy Sacz, where he remains to this day, being forbidden to leave the town and held under a kind of domiciliary arrest. The suffragan, the Most Rev. Goral, is at the time of writing still a prisoner in the Oranienburg camp. On November 22nd a group of teachers and the pupils of the two upper forms of the Staszyc high school of Lublin were arrested. They included twelve young Jesuit clerics, nineteen to twenty-one, who had been expelled from Pinsk by the Russians. Four of them were released in the spring of 1940 ; the rest were taken to Oranienburg in June of that year. In November 1939 all the priests of Chelm (thirteen in number) were also arrested. In January 1940 arrests again took place at Lublin-twenty-five Capuchins (friars and novices), a Jesuit, and eleven secular priests from the town and surrounding country. On February 2nd, 1940, three priests (including the seventy-year-old Rector) and twenty-two clerics were arrested at the Bobolanum theological college; on the 10th of that month two Jesuits connected with this institute were also arrested; the number of imprisoned Capuchins was increased by another two. Those priests who remained at liberty had to don lay garb, for a cassock worn in the street was sufficient cause for arrest. When the governor (Distriktchef) of Lublin was changed, a number of priests were, in due course, set free-thirty-eight during March 1940, but in April and May new arrests took place, this time in country districts, as a reprisal for the failure of farmers to supply their produce in the quantities fixed by the Germans. When a parish delivered its full quota its priest was released. A few more were set at liberty at the beginning of June 1940. The rest were sent to Oranienburg on the 18th of that month, together with a group of fourteen priests arrested on the 19th near the Russo-German demarcation line. In all over two hundred priests were arrested in this diocese up to the autumn of 1940, and a hundred and forty of them were still in camps or prisons by October 1st, 1940. Many were again arrested at Lublin on May 14th, 1941, together with a number of other members of the intelligentsia, a hundred people in all.
In the diocese of Siedlce (Podlasie) the Rev. Weiss of Polubicze and the Rev. Ryczkowski of Rudno were murdered in September 1939. Later, some forty priests were arrested, of whom on October 1st, 1940, nine were still in camps, five in prison. On March 23rd, 1941, an unexplained incident leading to the explosion of a hand-grenade at Siedlce caused the arrest of sixty-four persons selected from among the intelligentsia, several priests being included in the group.
Only six parishes of the diocese of Lomza were incorporated in the "Generalgouvernement, " and nearly all the priests were arrested during the first months of German occupation, but later they were set free.
Apart from short-term detentions, the following figures may be given touching the fate of Roman Catholic clergymen in the "Generalgouvernement" up to October 1st, 1940:
 
 

 Diocese  Number of Priests Arrested Imprisoned on 1st October1940
Czestochowa
30
12
Cracow
87
37
Tamow
20
6
Sandomierz 
19
9
Kielce
30
7
Przemysl 
150
3
Warsaw
250
35
Lublin 
over 200
140
Siedlce (Podlasie) 
40
14

over 826 
 263

According to reliable information the number of priests shot, murdered, or dead in concentration camps amounted to forty by October 1st, 1940. Of these four belonged to the diocese of Czestochowa, seven to that of Cracow, two to that of Sandomierz, one to Kielce, three to Warsaw, sixteen to Lublin, two to Siedlce (Podlasie). From what has hitherto been said, it is plain that this number was increased later. Nor have we counted those priests who were killed during hostilities.
Many deaths and many prison tortures are still unknown, but it is certain that here also trampling upon the human dignity of the imprisoned clergy was a favourite method of persecution. Thus at Wisnicz, where the Cracow Jesuits were kept before being sent to Oswiecim, they were one day made to stand in two rows, facing each other, and ordered to hit out at each other's faces with all their might. Another time one of them was ordered to trample a cross, and when he refused to do so his head was battered with it. The fate of many priests in concentration camps is horrible, for jailers often vent a special spite upon them.

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It must be owned that THE CURE OF SOULS in the "Generalgouvernement" is far removed from the desperate plight to which it has been reduced in the territories "incorporated in the Reich." But there are many difficulties, both local and general. The parishes near the Russo-German demarcation line have suffered most in that respect. The majority of the priests of Jaroslaw, including all the Reformati and Dominicans of its monasteries, were driven across the river San, into Soviet-Russian territory, together with the Jewish population of the town. The monastery churches were closed, and only after repeated petitions was the church of the Reformati allotted to the use of schools. In the Dominicans' church permission for mass to be read was given only twice; on August 15th and on September 8th, 1940. On the second occasion, a detachment of soldiers entered the church during mass, removed the worshippers and ordered a curtailment of the service. At Biala Podlaska all priests serving three parishes and a chapel-of-ease were arrested in January, 1940. One old superannuated, almost blind priest was left and permitted to use one church. The others were closed. At Wegrow, in the beginning of the occupation regime all the priests were expelled to the outskirts of the town and only allowed to enter it twice daily by special permit, in order to hold services. They were forbidden to talk to anyone on their way. Following the deportation of both bishops from Lublin, the curia there was out of action until March 1940.
The Vicar-General of the diocese had to continue his activities in hiding; the Gestapo first placed seals upon his lodgings; then plundered them. It was not until the Governor of the district was changed, in March 1940, that permission was granted to reopen the curia. Nineteen churches of the diocese of Lublin were taken from the Roman Catholics, together with their landed property, and handed over to the Greek Orthodox population. These are churches belonging from time immemorial to the Catholic Church of the Greek ritual, which the Tsarist Government, in the time of the partitions, had turned into places of Orthodox worship and which had been restored to the Catholic Church during the years of Poland's independence. In the diocese of Podlasie, also, eleven churches were taken from the Catholics and handed over to Orthodox worshippers. Thus, in this diocese alone, 13,613 Catholics were left without churches of their own.
In this matter of church closures the most drastic measure and that which most affects the Polish people is the rendering inaccessible of the Cathedral of Cracow on Wawel Hill, the second most important historic church of Poland (that of Gniezno being the first). It is a building full of great works of art and memorials, and its vaults house the bodies of kings, national heroes, and great poets. This church is closed because it is asserted that explosives were found in its precincts. Mass may only be said twice a week, by a priest who receives a special permit for the purpose, and no worshippers may be present.
Sermons are everywhere supervised; in the larger towns it is easy to notice persons who come to church only for the sermon. The cases of Father Klaczynski and of the Rev. Sajna, already mentioned, may serve as examples of the intimidation exercised in this direction.
Patriotic hymns are forbidden; so are strictly religious ones if sung to a patriotic tune. On January 8th, 1941, the office of the Governor-General, Department of Interior Administration, Section for Church Affairs, sent a circular, marked IV 14/41 (II-43), to all the bishops:
Since the hymn "O God our help" [Boze cos Polske] contained in the common Catholic hymn-book has become pointless, its singing is forbidden at all services and church or religious festivals.
The hymn "Our Loving Mother" [Serdeczna Matko] which has the same tune, is also forbidden to be sung except to a distinctly different melody.
The invocation "Queen of the Crown of Poland" has been forbidden in school prayers to the Blessed Virgin.
A similar decree, Ks. 1369 (III-53), brought to the notice of the episcopal curiae by the circular of June 28th, 1941, orders the removal from churches of memorial tablets in honour of important personages of Polish history:
Many churches contain political busts, pictures, and memorial tablets--e.g., busts of Kosciuszko or Pilsudski. Their further presence in places of worship is not justified by the present conditions in the Generalgouvernement. You are therefore requested to instruct your ecclesiastical subordinates to exert themselves to have these memorials removed as swiftly as possible. A copy of the instruction issued is to be submitted to me.
At the beginning of August 1940 all the episcopal curiae of the" Generalgouvernement" were informed that the "chief of the Department of Interior Administration in the Office of the Governor-General has, by his decree of July 29th, 1940, forbidden an religious processions, in particular processions held outside the immediate precincts of churches. Funeral processions alone are excepted." In Warsaw itself even funeral processions are forbidden inside the town.
Here and there extraordinary and petty acts of spite occur. Thus, for instance, in the archdiocese of Cracow an order was given in 1939 to close all churches at 8 A.M. on November 11th, a national festival (Independence Day). In the same archdiocese the metropolitan curia was informed at 6 P.M. on the eve of Corpus Christi Day in 1940 that all processions had been banned on pain of forcible dispersal and reprisals. The curia had to telephone to all the administrators of churches in the whole diocese in order to let them know of this. Often, when mass arrests of the Polish population have occurred, people have actually been taken to prison from church - for example, in Warsaw in October 1939, and at Lublin on Corpus Christi Day in 1940. Another kind of difficulty arises when forcible mass-transfers of population (practised by the German authorities even within the limits of the "Generalgouvernement") lead to the complete disruption of whole parishes. That of Ocieka in the diocese of Tarnow may serve as an example.
Enforced participation in the quota-committees, whose task is to deliver to the Germans the prescribed quantity of agricultural produce, is not without its effect on pastoral work. Needless to say how deeply these committees are detested by the Poles. Threatening severe penalties the German authorities force clergy and school teachers alike to work on them, and in order to ensure delivery of the fixed quota, they sometimes hold priests as hostages until the parishes have supplied the full quantity. For example, thirteen priests of the deanery of Grojec (archdiocese of Warsaw) were under arrest for this reason in 1940; on release they were forced to sign a written undertaking which runs: I have been informed that some of the inhabitants of my parish have proved themselves unwilling to fulfil the obligations imposed on them by the German authorities - e.g., in the matter of delivering the quota of cattle. I am aware that such behaviour is a considerable offence against authority and should be punished with the full rigour of the law. Since I am being released to-day. or since I am not being arrested at all, I undertake to use all my influence towards bringing about in the future a conscientious carrying out by the inhabitants of my parish of an decrees imposed upon them by the German authorities. I also undertake to inform the German police station set over my parish of the names of all those persons who may oppose and thereby endeavour to frustrate the decrees of German authorities. I solemnly promise that I myself win refrain from any activity which might imperil the prestige of the German authorities.
This text is identical for all released hostages. Where clergymen were concerned the following rider was added:
I shall also exert all my pastoral influence in the sense of the above declaration - i.e., I shall do my best to inform the faithful from the pulpit and to advise them of the necessity of conscientiously executing the decree of the German authorities, calling their attention to the penal responsibility they may incur by failing to do so.
The German authorities also bring pressure to bear on the clergy in the matter of recruiting agricultural labourers for the Reich. As we have already had occasion to state; this recruiting campaign often takes the form of mass captures of young people from streets, roads, churches and so on. In the spring of 1940 the Governor-General's office sent a circular to all bishops, registering complaint against priests who used their influence to put difficulties in the way of this campaign, and giving warning of the unpleasant consequences such an attitude of the clergy might bring in its train .

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Pastoral work is greatly hampered by the lack of A CAT H O L I C  PR E S S, such as before the war kept its readers informed of various facts of religious life and defended the Church against its detractors. Owing to the strict supervision of sermons and the ban on publication of Catholic dailies or other periodicals, the influence of the clergy on their flock has been reduced to a minimum, a state of things that has particularly bad effects on the cure of souls in large cities. Although the so-called "Polish" Press, published by the German authorities (no other exists openly, as we have already said), publish religious articles and the Kurier Czestochowski even has a " Sunday Supplement" for Catholics, these papers print tendentious and lying information on events in the Roman Catholic world, and intentionally mislead public opinion. Thus, for instance, the leading article of the Kurier Czestochowski of January 5th, 1941, splashed its front page with the head-line "150 Million Catholics against England." Only two dioceses, those of Kielce and Sandomierz, have been permitted to publish diocesan chronicles, and these may only give information on local events and decrees. Nothing else is allowed, except the Ordo Divini Officii. In the diocese of Kielce permission was secured, by exception, to print a diocesan calendar, but the bishop's preface, exhorting the faithful to patience, trust and prayer, was deleted by the censor.

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In contrast to those in territory "incorporated in the Reich " the purely RELIGIOUS SODALITIES AND SOCIETIES of the "Generalgouvernement" are permitted to continue their activities, though only within the walls of churches. The work of the Catholic Action and its auxiliary associations has been stopped altogether and many of its leading members imprisoned. The Caritas Society continues, but encounters great difficulties, notably in the diocese of Kielce, and the German authorities refuse to recognize its religious and charitable character (all other associations of whatever kind are, on principle, considered to be dissolved).
Towards EDUCATIONAL OR CHARITABLE FOUNDATIONS governed by the Church or the clergy, the attitude of the occupying authorities varies: in the diocese of Sandomierz they have hitherto been left undisturbed, in others they have been seized either entirely or in part (as in Cracow, where the Lubomirski Foundation House has been turned into barracks).
SCHOOLS conducted by ecclesiastical authorities, congregations, or secular clergy are in the same position. Nowhere was it possible to open the high schools, so that the diocesan "lyceum" at Sandomierz, the episcopal "gymnasium" at Lublin, and a number of others are closed. In some cases permission to open was refused even to elementary schools, like that of the Sisters of Nazareth at Rabka. Closed school buildings have been appropriated by the Germans to their own use.

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THE STUDY OF THEOLOGY has also been much restricted and obstructed. The faculties of theology at Polish universities are closed, as indeed are all others. In most dioceses the seminaries were also closed down on the entry of German troops, and in some cases the buildings were turned over to the military or police. In others temporary permission was given to continue work within certain limits, but no new students were to be accepted. On November 5th, 1940, a decree of the Governor-General permitted the opening of theological seminaries, but only in the towns of Cracow, Sandomierz, and Warsaw. It was only after repeated remonstrances on the part of the bishops that in March 1941 permission was given to open the remaining ones, at Cz~stochowa, Kielce, Tarnow, Lublin, and Siedlce. Their programme, however, in its approved form, lacks all philosophical and historical instruction, being limited almost exclusively to liturgical subjects and pastoral theology. Since all Polish high schools in the "Generalgouvernement" have been closed, there are no suitable new candidates for study at the seminaries.

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MATERIAL LOSSES sustained by the church in the "Generalgouvernement" have also been considerable. Enemy action accounted for the destruction of over thirty churches. These included the monumental cathedral of Lublin, though the greatest number of churches-thirteen-were destroyed in the archdiocese of Warsaw. A great number of others were seriously damaged,
of which forty-eight. belonged to the archdiocese of Warsaw alone. In nearly a score of places, rectories and other church buildings were wholly or partly burnt down (as, for instance, the Seat of the Warsaw Diocese and Seminary). German occupation brought a series of new losses by the plundering of churches, parish houses, dioceses and museums, treasuries and so on. The looting of the episcopal palace at Lublin is a characteristic case. After the arrest of the two bishops and of the officials of the curia, works of art, household furniture, even clothing and linen were carried off. This was done by the Gestapo, and an S.S. company which was then quartered in the palace finished the work. Such details as the ripping off of the leather cover of the bishop's breviary, or the tearing away of a silver clasp from an old missal, indicate the method. In the same town the Jesuit college (Bobolanum), the episcopal high school, the seminary and the private lodgings of its professors were similarly plundered. The Germans have carried away very valuable works of art from churches at Cracow, Tarnow, Sandomierz, Lublin and other places. (See Chapter VII, Museums and Collections.) Monastic buildings and numerous other buildings constituting diocesan property were commandeered, as we have described. What happened in the parish of St. James at Czestochowa, where the Germans took down the newly built walls of a church already awaiting roofing and turned the bricks to their own use, is no isolated occurrence. All episcopal, capitular, seminary and monastic property has been seized.
Nor have the occupying authorities taken over the obligations based on the Concordat between the Holy See and the Republic of Poland, thanks to which the Church received considerable financial assistance from the State. The parish priests to whom these moneys went, now have to subsist entirely on stole fees. The bishops and Curiae exist on taxes paid by the parochial clergy. Superannuated priests with no other means of subsistence share this source of income.

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The latest sacrifice demanded by German rapacity-now intensified by the needs of war with Russia-is THE CHURCH BELLS. On August 12th, 1941, the Administration of the "Generalgouvernement" (Hauptabteilung Innere Verwaltung, Abt. 1, Allgemeine Staatsverwaltung, Unterabteilung Kirchenwesen) sent a circular (B1-34) to the episcopal curia, which we quote in full as a characteristic document:
The great German Empire (Das Grossdeutsche Reich) has entered upon the decisive battle against Bolshevism. In this fight Germany is not alone. Men of all nations have enlisted in order to fight against Bolshevist Russia by the side of the great German Army. They understand that this is not merely a war between two nations but a matter of rescuing Europe from the Bolshevist menace. Whilst the Christian creeds enjoy religious freedom under the protection of the strong shield of the German Reich the Church in Soviet Russia is persecuted and oppressed.
For this reason it is naturally the duty of the Christian creeds to play their part in this struggle.
The fight requires the mobilisation of all resources, and the creation of a strong reserve of metals is one of them. The churches of the Generalgouvernement are therefore also called upon to place their bells at the disposal of the German Reich, so that it may effect a speedy and victorious ending of the decisive contest. It is to be noted that all bells serving non-religious purposes will likewise be requisitioned.
In order to effect the practical execution of this matter I decree as follows:
(1) Bells of copper alloys - i.e., of brass and bronze - will be requisitioned whether in use or not.
(2) It is the duty of all parishes to take down their bells and bring them to the collecting stations designated by the proper Kreishauptmann or Stadthauptmann by September 1st, 1941.
(3) The removal and delivery of the bells must be performed by the parishes. The costs will be reimbursed. The parishes are to make written applications for this reimbursement, with the respective accounts attached, to the Government of the Generalgouvernement direct (Hauptabteilung Innere Verwaltung).
(4) The parishes are entitled to a payment of the metal value of the bells delivered. The amount of this payment will be fixed later. For each bell delivered there will be issued a receipt, specifying the number and weight of the bells received. This proof of receipt should be attached to the application for reimbursement of costs, made to the Government of the Generalgouvernement (Hauptabteilung Innere Verwaltung).
(5) For bells of an extraordinary historic or artistic value an application may be made to have them exempted from the obligation of delivery. Such application, with an exhaustive description, motivation and proofs attached, must be made by the proper diocesan bishop (administrator, superintendent) to the Government of the Generalgouvernement (Hauptabteilung Innere Verwaltung) not later than August 15th, 1941. In granting exemptions from the obligation of delivery a severe standard will be applied. Only particularly well-founded applications have therefore any prospect of success.
The making of an application does not exempt from the duty of delivery. If no answer to the application comes during the term of delivery, the bell is to be removed and brought to the collecting station. If the application is granted, a written decision will be sent in time to the parish concerned and the proper bishop (administrater, superintendent) will be notified simultaneously.
There is nothing more characteristic of Nazi rule in the second half of 1941 than this phrase-making as "Crusaders." German journals printed in Polish affect a flaming indignation in recounting the oppression suffered by the Church under Soviet rule, which as a matter of fact in no way equals the persecution inflicted under German occupation. Since August these papers print alleged "Letters to the Editor" which more or less plainly call for the creation of a Polish anti-Bolshevik legion by the side of the German army. Poland's Catholic traditions are the staple argument. One of these soi-disant readers wrote in the Nowy Kurier Warszawski of August 9th, 1941: " We take pride in being a Catholic nation and have proclaimed Our Lady Queen of the Crown of Poland. “ But real readers know perfectly well that under the new "Crusaders" rule prayers to the "Queen of the Crown of Poland" are banned and that the Roman Catholic religion is oppressed not in Poland only. Witness the pastoral letter of the German bishops assembled at Fulda on July 26th, 1941, or the sermons of the bishop of Munster preached about the same time.

November, 1941.

(...)

Chapter V

UNIVERSITIES AND RESEARCH

THE PAST

THE first Polish scholars known to us pursued their studies at French and Italian universities; as an example we may name Master Vincent, author of a chronicle of Poland written in the early thirteenth century. At the university of Bologna there existed already in 1265 an organized Natio Polonica, consisting mostly of students of canon law. For the study of medicine the Poles favoured Montpellier, for that of philosophy and theology Paris, where, in 1204, Franco Polonus wrote a treatise on astronomical instruments.
It was on Italian models that King Casimir the Great in 1364 founded his Studium Generale in Cracow, the first university to be established in Poland, and one that in all eastern Europe was second in antiquity only to that of Prague. It had, however, no theological faculty. A new foundation, possessing all four faculties, was created in 1400 by King Ladislas Jagiello, who organized it on the lines of the University of Paris "which adorns and enlightens France," as the foundation charter said. Its first professors were masters of the Czech University of Prague, but a generation of Polish scholars arose very soon. Of 128 professors who lectured during the first thirty years of Cracow University's existence eighty-nine were Polish, nineteen German and nine Czech.
The development of the young Cracow University in the fifteenth century was splendid.
Its professors of law and of theology took an eminent part in the debates of the Councils of Constance and of Basle. Opposing the annexationist policy of the Teutonic Order, its rector, Paul Wlodkowic, at Constance, propounded the then unusual thesis that it is not meet to convert the heathen to Christianity by force and compulsion. Mathematics and astronomy stood particularly high in Cracow. It was here that Nicolas Copernicus studied, with Wojciech (Adalbertus) of Brudzewo as his teacher, before going to Italy. His memorable discovery was made after his return to Poland. His devotion to the country is proved not only by his attitude in the war of 1520 against the Teutonic Order (he defended the castle of Allenstein), but also by his learned treatise, De Monetce cudendce ratione, in which he defended the interests of Poland against the knights of the Order, who filled neighbouring Polish provinces with debased money.
But others besides Poles came to study in Cracow - Lithuanians, Ruthenians, Hungarians, Germans and Czechs. There were even students from more distant countries, from Scandinavia, Switzerland, England and Spain, a fact which proves the wide renown acquired by the University. Towards the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century the influence of the Western Renaissance began to be felt. Ancient literature became an enthralling study, and there were lectures on Roman and Greek poets. Interest in the classics grew even keener when the Italian humanist Philippo Buonaccorsi, known as Callimachus, rose to the position of teacher and adviser to young King John Olbracht. In 1518 a numerous group of Cracow poets celebrated the nuptials of King Sigismund I and the Italian princess Bona Sforza by compositions which left no doubt that the generation brought up by the university, was wholly in harmony with the new spirit of the time.
Mediaeval tradition, however, was soon victorious again, owing to the rise of German Protestantism. Fearing that Lutheran teachings might enter together with classical rhetorics and literature, the University excluded all new influences, an action which lowered its standard for a considerable period of time and drove many Polish students to journey in foreign countries.
During the sixteenth century journeys in search of learning took place generally. Polish youths made their way first and foremost to Italy, where they congregated mostly at the Universities of Padua and Bologna. Second in popularity were the Swiss Universities of Basle, Geneva and Zurich, and in Germany Wittenberg, Leipzig, Heidelberg, Strasbourg and Ingolstadt. Many studied at Krolewiec (Konigsberg), which, however, was not regarded as a foreign university, as it was situated in East Prussia, then a fief of Polish kings. This University developed its activities on the basis of a royal charter granted to it by the King of Poland. It was for some time a centre of Polish Protestant publishing activities.
Studies abroad, an increase of prosperity, a parliamentary constitution, religious tolerance-all this contributed to a development of intellectual life in Poland, which found expression in free religious and political discussion and in the flourishing state of literature. Of the scholars of that period we may instance the eminent theologians John Laski (Johannes a Lasco) on the Protestant, Stanislas Hosius on the Catholic side, whose writings were read in all western Europe, and translated into many languages, including English; the distinguished philologist Andrew Patricius Nidecki; and those notable chroniclers Kromerand Stryjkowski (the latter being particularly important for students of the history of Russia). Andrew Frycz Modrzewski (A. Fricius Modrevius) must be ranked even higher. He was a political theorist who put forward the thesis, new at the time, that all men are equal before the law. His chief work, De Republica emend and a, published in Latin at Basle in 1554 and 1559, was translated into German and Spanish.
Exact sciences and technical studies were also pursued in the sixteenth century, as witness the works of Joseph Strus (Struthius), an eminent medical man, on the pulse (Ars sphygmica), of Stanislas Grzepski (a treatise on geometry), of Olbrycht Strumienski on hydraulic engineering, of Michael Sedziwoj (Sendivogius), who was in his time a renowned alchemist, and is to-day considered one of the pioneers of inorganic chemistry.
At the end of the sixteenth century Poland had already three schools of university grade, namely the Cracow University, Wilno Academy (since 1578) and the Zamoyski Academy (1595-1776, a short-lived foundation). During the next century the Academy at Lwow was added (1661). In the seventeenth century the influence of Polish culture and learning was markedly strong in the Ruthenian territories and the lands of Muscovy. But, in spite of such outwardly successful development, in spite of the publication of many Polish books on various learned subjects, in spite of the work of such scholars as (to name only one) Adam Kochanski, the mathematician, the seventeenth century in Poland witnessed a decided decline in the intellectual sphere, terminating in almost complete apathy at the beginning of the eighteenth. The causes are to be found in the devastating wars with Sweden, Muscovy and Turkey, which led to a decline in economic prosperity throughout the country, in the political decomposition of the gentry, and in the almost complete monopoly of education by the Jesuit orders, whose teachers had by this time lost their old inspired energy and had become servants of a fixed routine, utterly neglecting their educational duties.
A new flowering took place in the second half of the eighteenth century, following the efforts of the eminent scholar and organizer, Stanislas Konarski, a student of the writings of John Locke and Charles Rollin. The whole period of "Enlightenment" in Poland is in general one of intense French influence, reinforced here and there by English. A particularly important collective creation of this time was the Board of National Education (1773-95), a central State authority directing school matters, the first of its kind in Europe. After the abolition of the Jesuits, the Board undertook the supervision of all schools in Poland and introduced far-reaching scholastic reforms which included the Universities of Cracow and Wilno, and gave them a new organization, new funds and new professors. Outstanding among the new lecturers were John Sniadecki, a mathematician and philosopher, and Martin Poczobut, an astronomer.
After the last partition of Poland (in 1795), the Board of National Education ceased to exist, but its enlightened ideas were not without influence on the scholastic reforms carried out by the young Tsar Alexander I, at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Whereas, in the provinces annexed by Austria and Prussia, schools were germanised, under Russian rule for a short time, they retained their Polish character, so that many Polish scholars gathered at the University of Wilno in the years 1803 to 1823, were able to enjoy relative liberty there. For instance, John Sniadecki migrated to Wilno from Cracow; his brother Andrew, a notable student of natural history, chemistry and medicine, worked here; Joachim Lelewel, the historian, began his fruitful and manifold activities at this University.
The Poles missed no opportunity of organizing their schools and seats of learning anew.
Under Prussian rule from 1795 to 1807, and then as capital of the Duchy created by Napoleon (1807-1815), Warsaw, with its Philomatic Society, was an important centre of intellectual life. The Society was presided over by Stanislas Staszic, noted as a political writer (though as geologist and mineralogist he also studied the structure of the Carpathian range).
In the so-called Congress-Kingdom period (1815-31) the University of Warsaw was founded (1816-31), as well as the first Polish technical school of academic grade, which was well equipped and furnished. In the Republic of Cracow (1815-46) the restored Cracow University continued its activities. In the second half of the nineteenth century there existed for a short time (1862-69) in Warsaw a “High School" (Szkola Glowna) comprising four university faculties, and an Institute of Polytechnics, Agriculture and Forestry was organized at Pulawy.
From 1867 to 1918 there were two Polish universities in being under Austrian rule, those of Lwow and Cracow, as well as a School of Engineering at Lwow, and an Agricultural Academy at Dublany. Apart from this, the local Philomatic Society of Cracow in 1873 gave rise to the Polish Academy of Sciences and Letters which in time became Poland's supreme authority in the realm of learning.
The short life of Polish universities and kindred institutions during the nineteenth century was due to the policy of the partitioning Powers, which closed them down nearly as often as they were opened. The Polish people had the greatest difficulty in fostering their culture and learning, but nevertheless their efforts in that direction were unceasing.
In those unhappy times many Polish scholars went abroad. For example, after the crushing of the 1830-31 insurrection a number of Polish scientists strayed as far a field as South America, where their activities were most fruitful. The geologist and mineralogist, Ignacy Domeyko, rendered particularly great service to the Republic of Chile, where he became professor and rector of the University of Santiago. He made a geological and mineralogical survey of the country, founded its mining industry, created a network of meteorological stations, formed a museum of ethnography, and raised the general educational standard. The communications and the general science of Peru also owe a considerable debt to a whole group of Polish scholars and engineers, with Ernest Malinowski at their head. A number of Polish botanists studied the flora of Peru and Central America, and two of them concentrated on the natural history of Java. Poles were to be found in various posts in Russia, France, Belgium, Switzerland, Austria, Germany. Also, though in lesser numbers, in the United States and in England. Many Polish scholars, in fact, finding no possibilities of work in their oppressed country, had taken employment abroad. And it was precisely this fact that, after 1918, enabled the restored Polish Republic to prove to the world that the swift organization of numerous academic institutes and research laboratories was a matter well within its reach.
The Germans of to-day try to persuade those who know no better that Poland's civilization has always been wholly German. It is true that German influence in Poland has been considerable, particularly since the mass colonization of the thirteenth century, but despite the close neighbourhood of the two nations it has always affected mainly material civilization (and the language and vocabulary pertaining to that side of life), whereas the spiritual culture of the country was, up to the nineteenth century, open to far other influences: Czech in the tenth to fourteenth centuries, Italian in the fifteenth and sixteenth, French in the seventeenth and eighteenth. Only the wave of Lutheranism in the sixteenth century can be attributed to German influence. The German language struck Polish ears as "a gross speech," to use the words of a sixteenth-century translator. It was not until the twenties of the nineteenth century that German influence became noticeable. Hegel's philosophical system left considerable traces, and Polish philosophers of the idealist school owe it a not unimportant debt. In later years German universities held an increasing attraction for Polish students; not unnaturally, considering the magnificent development of German learning at the time, and the nearness of the two countries. Eminent Austrian and German philosophers, historians, philologists, mathematicians and professors of natural history, had numbers of Polish students.
The same was the case with notable French scholars. In Paris there existed not only a Polish Society for Literature and History, but also for a time a Polish Society of Exact Sciences, members of which studied pure and applied mathematics, publishing a chronicle of the Society and well over a score of handbooks. The Society also aimed at effecting a rapprochement between French and Polish men of science. English scientific and philosophical literature likewise exerted a profound influence on Polish thought. Darwin, Spencer and J. S. Mill contributed to form the minds of the so-called Warsaw positivist school.
Has Polish science, owing so much to foreign teachers, evinced any individual and creative activity in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries? Has it made any contributions of value to the world's store of learning? A short list of Polish research workers may give the answer. It does not include Polish historians, students of Polish literature and art, of the Polish language. of Polish law and economics, for, whatever the service they have rendered Poland, their names abroad are known only to a small band of specialists. For this reason our list consists mostly of representatives of the exact sciences and of technical studies. Names of professors still active at Polish universities in 1939 have not been included.
H. ARCTOWSKI, research in Polar countries.
J. BAUDOUIN DE COURTENAY, philology.
W. BECKER, botany.
A. BRUECKNER, Slav philology.
L. CIENKOWSKI, biology.
M. CURIE-SKLODOWSKA (Mme.), radiology.
B. DYBOWSKI, zoology, researches on Baikal fauna.
K. ESTREICHER, bibliography.
K. GALEZOWSKI, ophthalmology.
A. GAWRONSKI, Sanscrit studies.
E. GODLEWSKl, researches on plant physiology.
F. HOYER, histology.
S. KOSTANECKI, chemistry.
W. KUCZYNSKI, study of spiders.
W. LUTOSLAWSKI, studies on the philosophy of Plato.
B. MALINOWSKI, anthropology and sociology.
M. NENCKl, physiological chemistry.
K. OLSZEWSKI, chemistry.
L. PETRAZYCKI, theory of law.
M. RACIBORSKl, botany, researches on Javan flora.
J. ROSTAFINSKI, botany.
J. ROZWADOWSKI, philology.
M. SIEDLECKl, zoology.
M. SMOLUCHOWSKI, physics.
J. SZTOLCMAN, ornithology.
Z. WROBLEWSKI, physics.
T. ZIELINSKI, classical philology.
R. ZUBER, geology.
At the outbreak of the First World War in 1914 there existed in the territories which were afterwards to form the re-born Polish State, two Polish universities, those of Lwow and Cracow, and a School of Engineering at Lwow. In the year 1910-11 there were, at these three institutions, in all 10,029 students. There had also existed since 1881 a Veterinary College at Lwow and an Agricultural Academy at Dublany near that city. The Warsaw University and School of Engineering (Politechika) were Russian, and boycotted by Polish students from 1905. In the year 1910-11 they had in all 2,780 students, of whom 2,008 were Russians, some 300 Poles, 300 Jews, and the rest of various nationalities.
The Polish University and School of Engineering, organized in Warsaw in 1915-16, at first had 1,693 students. After the restoration of Polish independence in 1918, two new universities (Wilno and Poznan) and a Mining Academy (Cracow) arose within a short time. In 1921-22 the University of Poznan already counted 3,273 students, that of Wilno 1,729, the Mining Academy 173. A private Roman Catholic University was also founded at Lublin. The course of agricultural studies initiated in Warsaw in 1905 (thanks to a certain measure of tolerance on the part of the Russian Government during the initial stages of the revolution) became the State School of Agriculture; a similar course of commercial studies became a private School of Commerce; in like manner the Warsaw Courses of Study (Warszawskie Towarzystwo Kursow Naukowych), whose activities had been carried on since 1906, grew into the private Free University of Warsaw. A Dentists' College and a School of Fine Arts also arose in the capital (Cracow already possessed an Academy of Fine Arts). A number of lesser private schools rising above the level of secondary education were founded; as, for instance, the Commercial Colleges of Poznan and Cracow, the School of Foreign Commerce at Lwow, the Schools of Political Science and Journalism in Warsaw. The number of students increased rapidly and in 1933-34 attained the figure of 49,600, was later reduced in consequence of the long-drawn-out economic crisis, and stabilized in 1937-38, at 48,000. The old universities in 1934-35 had: Cracow, 6,666 students, Lwow, 6,048. The number inscribed at the University of Warsaw in that year was 9,516, at the University of Poznan 5,176, at that of Wilno 3,570. The students of the Warsaw School of Engineering numbered 4,289, those of the similar school at Lwow 2,559. The decrease in numbers after that year affected only the universities proper, for students attending technical colleges continued to multiply (over 4,500 at the Warsaw School of Engineering, some 3,000 at that of Lwow). According to the budget estimates for 1939-40 the number of professorships and readerships at State schools of academic grade was 824; funds were provided for 1,636 lecturers, assistant lecturers and research fellows.
Polish colleges carried on their work with difficulty, owing to the severely limited financial means of a country devastated by war until the year 1920, and very meagrely succoured by the outside help, which was so plentifully accorded not only to ruined Belgium, but also to quite undamaged Germany. In spite of this a number of new modern buildings were erected to accommodate the increased flocks of students; new, suitably equipped laboratories were created, such as the Institute for Experimental Physics of the University of Warsaw (in this one case with funds from the Rockefeller Foundation), and special institutes of the Warsaw School of Engineering, such as the Institute of Aero-dynamics, the Chemical Institute of Warsaw University, the great university buildings of Poznan, and many others at various centres, housing clinics, lecture-rooms, libraries, and so on.
Thhe standard was, in general, fairly high, with unavoidable fluctuations as to branches and centres; the degree of proficiency exacted from the students was fully equal to the average of most West European universities; in some faculties it was even higher. In spite of serious handicaps, therefore, Poland's academic schools fulfilled their task of supplying the country with properly trained specialists within a short space of time.
It must be kept in mind that before the Great War of 1914 all brain-work in Government
employ (i.e., in the political executive, in the administration of justice, in the school system, etc.) was the privilege of Russians and Germans throughout the Polish provinces under their rule; only Germans were admitted to engineering posts in the factories of Silesian, Poznanian and Polish Pomeranian industry. Yet Poland took over the administration in offices and factories without foreign help.
During the first period following the restoration of political independence, the teaching staff of the university-grade schools had to devote a very great amount of energy and time to didactic work, and even more to organisation, chiefly because, owing to lack of financial means, the proportion of students to lecturers was, in Poland, far above the world average, Despite this, the number of treatises and papers published in Polish and foreign journals, steadily increased. Polish scholars took part in international meetings, they organized congresses in Poland. In such congresses representatives of German learning also took part and some of them later made use, to the detriment of their hosts, of contacts then made and knowledge there acquired.
The universities were not alone in forming centres of study in Poland. There were also numerous scientific associations, with well-equipped research laboratories of their own. Not counting sections and local branches, there existed over five hundred independent societies and institutions devoted to learning and research. According to their nature they may be grouped under several headings.
First, we have four societies with limited membership acquired exclusively by election.
These were: (1) The Polish Academy of Science and Letters at Cracow, Poland's supreme authority on matters of learning, and its representative in such matters abroad, existing since 1873; (2) the Warsaw Society of Science and Letters, founded in 1907, at a time of relaxed severity on the part of the Russian authorities after the revolution of 1905, inheritor of the traditions of the previous Philomatic Society (1800-31) dissolved by the Russians; (3) the Lw6w Society of Sciences and Letters; (4) the Academy of Technical Sciences, organized after the restoration of independence.
Next come learned associations of a general nature which accepted members by inscription.
The most important were the Copernicus Natural History Society at Lwow, the Philomatic Society of Poznal1, founded in 1857 (but denied the privileges of a scientific association by the German Government), the Philomatic Society of Wilno (founded in 1907, like that of Warsaw). Associations of this kind were of particular value to the intellectual life of the country in those towns which possessed no university-for example, the Silesian Institute of Katowice, the Baltic Institute at Gdynia, the Copernicus Society of Sciences and Letters at Torun, and others (at Plock, Wloclawek, Przemysl, and so on.).
Under the third heading are to be found the associations of workers in some particular branch of learning; such as societies of mathematicians, physicists, chemists, geologists, geographers, botanists, zoologists, anthropologists, archaeologists, historians, historians of art, philologists, jurists, economists, sociologists, psychologists, students of philosophy, pedagogues, theologians, medical men, agriculturists, specialists in garden lore, forestry, various branches of technology and so on. The majority of these associations published special periodicals which printed scientific memoranda; some of them issued publications not only in Polish, but also in the languages of the international congresses.
Fourthly, there were the special institutes devoted exclusively to research in some strictly defined branch of learning: the State Institute of Geology, the Chemical Research Institute, the Nencki Institute (for certain aspects of biology), the Magnetic Observatory, the Institute for Agricultural Research at Pulawy, the Museum of Industry and Agriculture, the State Institute of Hygiene, the State Institute of Meteorology, the Radium Institute, and many other lesser ones.
Fifthly, there were the institutions created for the purpose of fostering research and learning; in the first place, the Mianowski Foundation in Warsaw, with its fine record of work under Russian rule, and the Ossolinski Institute of Lwow.
These institutions were mostly already in existence before the restoration of Poland's political independence, and they flourished, thanks to the generosity of Poles at home and abroad. As a result of the first World War they suffered considerable losses, which were due in the first place to the depreciation of money, though some of them also suffered through being cut off from former sources of revenue (for instance, the Mianowski Foundation had had a share in the oil-wells of the Caucasus). It was therefore necessary to build up their funds anew, though the financial resources of a people impoverished by six years of war were naturally very slender. Nor could the State supply all needs from its comparatively modest budget, although it took considerable pains and even created a special Fund for National Culture.
Lastly, there were a number of smaller associations. of local importance.
Though thus carrying on their work in difficult and far from prosperous conditions, Poland's learned societies contrived to publish (according to data for 1937) some 440 periodicals, part of them strictly scientific, others destined for the general reader; publications devoted to practical problems of agriculture, industry, technology, etc., are not included in this count.

THE PRESENT

HOSTILITIES in September 1939 caused no immediate damage to any colleges or learned institutions outside Warsaw, but in the capital these suffered heavily. B U I L D I N G S untouched by bomb, shell or fire were exceedingly few.
The UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW was damaged most seriously of all. Of its main group of buildings four were completely and a fifth in great part destroyed by fire. The rest, standing in various parts of the town, nearly all suffered damage of varying gravity. Thirty-two university institutes were entirely destroyed, so were the six institutes of the Mathematico-Physical Faculty, nine belonging to the Faculty of Arts, seven to the Faculty of Law, four belonging to that of Medicine (two of them clinics), three to the Pharmaceutical Faculty, three (including a clinic) to the Veterinary Faculty. Some of them had been very well equipped. For instance, the library of the department of classical philology had included the valuable collection of books of the eminent scholar T. Zielinski. The fire which consumed the buildings of the Mathematico-Physical Faculty caused the loss of the largest mineralogical collection in Poland, also that of the geological collections first instituted at the beginning of the nineteenth century, including the renowned Pusch-Korenski collection of 1820-30, which was of the greatest historical importance, the largest collection of Jura fossils in Europe, a valuable palaeontological collection brought from Bolivia by Polish scholars, and many others, some of which had not yet been exhaustively studied.
Many lecture-rooms, as well as university offices with all their registers and files, fell a prey to flames.
Even in those buildings only partly destroyed, many institutes suffered considerable loss, as, for instance, the Institute of Animal Physiology, as well as those of Comparative Anatomy and of Cytology, all of which lost their entire equipment and very valuable collections. The Museum of Zoology, the Botanical Gardens and the Pharmaceutical Plantations likewise suffered enormous losses.
The buildings of the WARSAW SCHOOL OF ENGINEERING were under fire from September 8th up to the cessation of hostilities, and in addition they were hit on September 24th and 25th by some 10 explosive bombs and very many incendiaries. The building of the Chemical Faculty was in great part destroyed, and scarcely any property owned by the institutes of Organic Dyes, Inorganic Chemistry, Chemistry, and the faculty library was saved. The remainder suffered grave losses. Flames consumed the whole of the Laboratory for the Study of Resistance of Materials, one of the richest and best equipped in the Academy; the Metallurgical Institute with its numerous delicate instruments met a like fate. Other parts of the Academy showed extensive damage of a lesser nature to furnishings, fittings, roofs, walls, and so on.
Very severe loss was inflicted on the building of the FREE POLISH UNIVERSITY: one wing was almost wholly burnt down, while the central part and the other wing were very seriously injured by fire; great damage was done to the library and to the natural history laboratories.
All the clinics and laboratories of the ACADEMY OF STOMATOLOGY, situated in three different quarters of the town, fell a prey to flames, and only a very slender portion of their equipment was saved.
The losses of the PRINCIPAL SCHOOL OF RURAL ECONOMY were in comparison relatively light.
Both buildings of the WARSAW SOCIETY OF SCIENCE AND LETTERS were damaged, considerable loss being inflicted on its library and on the biological laboratories of the Nencki Institute.
In the course of the siege the STATE INSTITUTE OF GEOLOGY was hit by five shells, an explosive bomb, and close on a score of incendiaries. The fires were successfully dealt with at once, but the main building and the neighbouring dwelling-houses suffered serious damage from the artillery projectiles and the explosives.
Apart from this, the POLISH CHEMISTRY ASSOCIATION lost its entire library, and losses of some importance were suffered by the STATE FORESTRY RESEARCH INSTITUTE, the STATE INSTITUTE OF HYGIENE, the STATE MUSEUM OF ZOOLOGY, the INSTITUTE OF TELECOMMUNICATION, and the ACADEMY OF FINE ARTS.

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There were also grievous personal LOSSES IN THE RAN KS OF UNIVERSITY MEN. The following lost their lives as a direct result of hostilities:
J. BIRKENMAJER, professor of Lublin University.
S. DOBINSKI, lecturer of Poznan University.
J. GOLABEK, lecturer of Warsaw University.
M. KONOPACKI, professor of Warsaw University.
K. LUTOSTANSKI, honorary professor of Warsaw University.
J. MORAWSKI, professor of Poznan University.
A. OSSOWSKI, professor of Warsaw University.
O. SOSNOWSKI, professor of the Warsaw School of Engineering.
M. WASILEWSKI, research fellow of Warsaw University.

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The first months of the German occupation sufficed to make clear the Nazi authorities' aims regarding UNIVERSITY SCHOOLS AND SCIENCE in Poland. These are no less than the complete extinction of all thought and traditions of civilization among the Polish people. With few exceptions, the activities of the authorities themselves and of their individual representatives are not based on the concepts and principles accepted by all civilized humanity. No account whatever has been taken of the rules of international law produced by the strivings of many generations and the collaboration of all the peoples, nor, indeed, of any law at all. The course of proceedings has always been decided exclusively from the point of view of German interests, which are regarded as supreme, justifying anything and everything. German interests thus considered led to the conclusion that the Poles should be deprived of all intellectual forces and all ambitions in the realm of culture, and be reduced to the role of hewers of wood and drawers of water for an industrial and agricultural market ruled in every respect by Germans. To destroy Polish seats of learning, to decimate Polish scholars and to break their spirit, to make college training unattainable for Polish youth - these were the points of a programme which resulted logically from the acceptance of that fundamental postulate.
It is necessary to stress the significance of the word "programme," for the German attitude towards the world of learning in Poland, and towards Polish university schools, has been so unequivocal, and so uniform from the first moment of occupation of the country's university towns, that it cannot be ascribed to any reaction evoked by war conditions, but must be recognized as the result of a detailed and carefully prepared plan of action. Hints concerning this plan might have been gleaned in university circles as far back as September 1939, from occasional disconnected utterances of individual German personages. And not only that: even before the war similar opinions might be heard from some German members of international congresses in their rare moments of sincerity. But their confidences, no less than the later vague foreshadowings, seemed so far from all contemporary ideas that they were treated either as jests, or as absurd ravings. The monstrous accomplishment by far exceeds any possible expectations.
The heirs of Germany's great tradition of learning selected the most effective method for the fulfilment of their purpose. Destroyed instruments can be replaced by new ones, demolished buildings can be re-erected after a time. Only expense and effort are involved. Human losses, however, cannot be made good so easily. A confluence of favourable conditions is needed to gather together a company of scholars - a conscious and wise "science policy," an atmosphere in which the natural selection of talents can come into play, and, most of all, a certain length of time. No material sacrifice can compensate for the lack of these. Fully understanding such truths, the German authorities first and foremost set about crushing the human factor in Poland's world of learning.
Various methods were employed, the harrying of whole groups being the most important. The worst instances occurred at Poznan and Cracow.
As early as the middle of September 1939 two professors of POZNAN UNIVERSITY who approached the German authorities on its business were arrested on the spot; a number of others were taken as hostages. The main university building and the Collegium Medicum were occupied by police headquarters, the numerous institutes on the premises being simply put out of existence. Somewhat later the seat of the university authorities, the Collegium Minus and the newly erected large building of the Collegium Chemicum, were also occupied.
Deliberate persecution began in the second half of October. University professors were arrested in accordance with a list which had been compiled without any visible guiding thought. In lieu of men who were found to be absent from Poznan, professors accidentally met in the streets were seized, in order to complete the number of arrests planned. Some of them were released after imprisonment of varying duration ; others died, among the latter being S. Kalandyk, dean of the Medical Faculty; E. Klich, professor of the Polish language; R. Paczkowski, lecturer in law; and S. Pawlowski, professor of geography.
In the first days of November mass ejection of Poles from their homes began at Poznan. University professors were among those thus treated. Police appeared at their houses with orders for the entire family, including sick persons and small children, to leave the flat or house within ten to thirty minutes, taking only hand-luggage. They were shut up in barracks in Glowna Street and kept there until November 30th, 1939, inadequately fed, suffering from cold, and sleeping on concrete floors barely covered with straw. On the night of November 30th, eighteen professors and their families were deported, together with other Poles. They were carted about for three and a half days in sealed goods trucks from Poznan to Warsaw, Lublin, Czestochowa and Kielce, until at last, starved and exhausted, they were ordered to leave the train at Ostrowiec in the voivodship of Kielce. Shortly afterwards Michael Sobeski, professor of philosophy, and the mother of another deported professor, died at this place. One of the professors contracted pneumonia and was ill for many weeks.
By degrees all the professors were deported from Poznan with the exception of one, a certain professor of the history of music, who turned Volksdeutsch and now collaborates with the Germans. The whole teaching staff of Poznan University was thus literally driven out. These men, mostly no longer young, are dispersed throughout the territory of the "Generalgouvernement," torn away from their environment and places of work, deprived of their possessions, their private libraries confiscated. Being burdened with families, not fitted for physical labour, with no aptitude for trade, they lose their strength and waste away in destitution, sometimes lacking even the most necessary articles of clothing.
In CRACOW the entry of German troops was not at first marked by hostile action against the academic schools. During October nearly all the university institutes were visited either by individual representatives of the army, or by the police. They were always courteous, and made enquiries touching the university, its arrangements and its professors; sometimes they wished to borrow books. Since there were no decrees expressly forbidding the university to carry on its activities, and since the German military command had called on everybody to take up normal work, the university authorities decided to begin the term on November 6th, 1939. The rector discussed this with the new German mayor, Zorner, and with the Governor-General's delegates for matters of education and learning, who had visited him and had mentioned their intention of keeping Cracow University in existence; and in view of the aforementioned call of the military authorities he did not consider it necessary to apply for permission to the Governor-General in person.
The usual inauguration service was held at St. Anne's Church on November 4th, 1939. The number of students was small; entries were to be accepted according to ordinary procedure.
Before the inauguration the rector received a proposal from the Gestapo, suggesting that Obersturmbannfuehrer Meyer should on November 6th, 1939, give a lecture on "The Attitude of the German Authorities towards Science. and Teaching" for the entire professorial staff of Cracow University. It was stressed that the authorities greatly desired to see all professors, readers, and lecturers attend. The conversations on this subject were conducted so amiably that the rector and deans were deceived. The rector issued a circular inviting attendance at Meyer's lecture on November 6th, 1939, at midday in the Copernicus Hall, and stressed the necessity for all invited persons to be present. Some three hundred came, ranging from the oldest to the youngest, including all the professors and lecturers of the Mining Academy, who had been holding a meeting in the building at eleven. Shortly before noon the police took possession and checked the identity of those arriving. At noon the Obersturmbannfuehrer declared to a packed room that Cracow University had been a centre of anti-German activity in Poland; more particularly the inauguration of the school year, without application and without permission, was considered by the Germans as a hostile act, consequently all present would be arrested. Women were ordered to leave the hall, the men were led out - singly, in an incredibly brutal manner. They were herded into motor lorries with pushings and blows, taken to the military prison in Montelupi Street, and detained there for twenty-four hours without food and in over-crowded cells.
On November 7th before midday they were all transferred to the barracks of the 20th Regiment in Wroclawska Street, which had been turned into a camp for prisoners-of-war. Here they were guarded by soldiers, and, thanks to the rules of such camps, they were enabled to walk freely about the building, visit each other and talk. Permission was also given for their families to see them and bring food and warm clothing. Over a score were set free at this stage; that is to say, all those who declared themselves to be of Ukrainian nationality, all foreign citizens and two specialists: J. Olbrycht, professor of forensic medicine, and J. Kostrzewski, lecturer on infectious diseases. These two were ordered to hold themselves at the disposal of the authorities. Others released included several persons seriously ill, the professor of German, A. Kleczkowski, and Professor F. Zoll, corresponding member of the Academy of German Law.
After three days at the barracks, the remaining 185 persons were taken in lorries to the railway station. Their train was drawn up at a siding, so that the prisoners, regardless of age, were forced to climb up the high steps of the coaches. In the train they were told that Breslau lay at the end of their journey. On arrival, they were placed in three different prisons, some singly in small cells, others in larger ones by groups. There they remained for some three weeks, when two more were released -i.e., Professor J. Dabrowski, a historian,  member of the Hungarian Academy of Science and Letters, and Z. Sarna, titular professor of ius gentium, whose wife is by birth Hungarian. Owing to the friendly attitude of the prison warders, the prisoners were able to send news to their families and to hold secret communication with each other during walks in the prison yard. The walk itself consisted of running round in a circle in single file. The older men, whose hearts did not allow them to keep up the pace, were formed into a smaller circle with a slower movement. Inability to carry out commands brought coarse insults and scoldings.
After close on three weeks' detention at Breslau the prisoners were taken by train to the concentration camp at Sachsenhausen, near Oranienburg, in the neighbourhood of Berlin. At the end of a journey of twenty-four hours they were marshalled in rows of three and marched under guard to the camp, carrying their luggage. Their reception at the camp took place in a vast courtyard, where they were kept standing, with their luggage at their feet, for an hour and a half under torrents of icy rain. Throughout this time they had to suffer the ironic questions, the jests and mockeries of the camp warders, even blows. When they were at last allowed to enter the camp administration office, they had to listen to an exhortation by the commandant, and were then handed the camp rules. Their personal property - watches, note-cases and suchlike - was taken from them, their hair was cut and shaved, they were dressed in prison clothes, to which were added torn and patched army tunics decorated with the red triangles denoting a political transgressor. On meeting a warder every prisoner was bound to stand to attention and take off his cap. Failure to comply with this order was punished by blows in the face.
The prisoners' days began with a cold shower-bath at half-past five in the morning. The barracks were not heated, and their temperature was no higher than that of the open air. Breakfast usually consisted of a so-called flour-soup, and a piece of bread, if one had saved it from the preceding day. Breakfast and cleaning were followed by roll-call. Normally there were three of these each day, lasting on an average thirty minutes each. On these occasions the prisoners were beaten by the warders for the slightest fault-even for inaccurate lining-up. Some prisoners were beaten systematically. The sick and feeble who had not strength enough to drag themselves to roll-calls were carried by their fellow-prisoners and laid on the ground. If anyone was missing, all the rest were kept standing until he was found. Thus Professor K. Kostanecki, late President of the Polish Academy of Science and Letters, was once unable to come to the roll-call, being seriously ill ; he was carried thither by his colleagues and laid on the snow. Next day, on Christmas Eve, 1939 - he died in hospital. {The nature of medical aid in the Oranienburg camp may be gathered from the fact that the hospital possessed scarcely anything beyond tincture of iodine, and that a temperature of 38?C.-i.e., 100,4 ?F - was not considered sufficient reason for an examination. As for the treatment, it is well illustrated by the case of a sick man who, in consequence of his illness had dirtied the sheet of his bed. He was first beaten, then forced to rise and wash the sheet. Later he died.}
Lunch at midday used to consist of a soup whose nourishing values were but slight. For supper there was black barley-coffee and bread, with occasionally a small piece of margarine added, or a little white cheese mixed with flour. The caloric value of this diet has been assessed by medical men as equal to 40 to 60 per cent. of what is needed by a man doing no work.
The Cracow professors were not put to hard physical labour, but they were subjected to petty persecutions during the whole time of their imprisonment in the camp.
In such conditions, three members of the staff of the Mining Academy, and ten of Cracow University, died at Sachsenhausen. They were:
S. BEDNARSKI, lecturer in Russian.
I. CHRzANOWSKI, honorary professor of Polish literature .
S. ESTREICHER, professor of comparative legal studies.
T. GARBOWSKI, professor of philosophy.
A. HOBORSKI, professor of mathematics at the Mining Academy.
K. KOSTANECKI, honorary professor of descriptive anatomy.
A. MEYER, lecturer on mining laws.
F. ROGOZINSKI, professor of animal physiology at the Faculty of Agriculture.
M. ROZANSKI, professor of agricultural engineering.
J. SMOLENSKI, professor of geography.
M. SIEDLECKI, professor of zoology.
L. STERNBACH, honorary professor of classical philology.
W. TAKLINSKI. professor of mechanics at the Mining Academy.
On February 8th, 1940, 102 of the prisoners (i.e., all those aged over forty) were released. They returned to Cracow exhausted and ill, suffering from open frostbite sores, some still bearing traces of beatings. Four of them shortly died:
S. KOLACZKOWSKI, professor of Polish literature.
J. NOWAK, professor of geology.
A. WILK, research fellow of the Astronomical Observatory.
J. WLODEK, professor of plant culture.
At the end of February 1940, ,nearly all the younger prisoners from Cracow University were sent to work at Dachau, where they felt much better than at Sachsenhausen, having less persecution to endure. Only nine remained at Sachsenbausen, including six older men and two priests. They were released in the course of the years 1940 and 1941, singly, or by twos and threes, the last of the older men returning in November 1940. Of the younger group, one, W. Ormicki, lecturer on geography, did not return until the autumn of 1941, and died soon afterwards; one is still missing.
On their return to Cracow all were put under an obligation to report to the police once a week. Not until the middle of 1941 was this order rescinded.
A fresh act of persecution was committed at Lwow, where, shortly after the taking of the town on July 4th, 1941, seventeen professors, belonging mainly to the faculty of medicine, and to the School of Engineering, were arrested. At their head was Professor K. Barte1, many times Prime Minister of Poland. He was shot; no reliable news is hitherto available concerning the others, except this, that they are not in any prison in "Generalgouvernement" territory, nor in the concentration camp at Oswiecim, a state of things which justifies the gravest fears for their fate.
Besides such acts of terrorism against whole groups, individual prisoners have also been seized from all university circles. The arrests were often carried out with great brutality, being accompanied by kicks, blows in the face, and suchlike. The results of detention in prison or concentration camp varied considerably. It sometimes occurred that after months of imprisonment an arrested person was set free without having been questioned at all. But the conditions of prison life left unmistakable traces and even resulted in loss of life itself. Irene Maternowska, professor of the Warsaw Veterinary Faculty, died on June 4th, 1941, in the so-called Pawiak prison of Warsaw; K. Krzeczkowski, professor of the Warsaw School of Commerce, died within a short time of being released from prison.
Sometimes prison led to execution. Such was the death in Warsaw in March 1941 of S. Kopee, professor of biology (shot with his son), and of K. Zakrzewski professor of Byzantine history.
Many of those arrested were sent to concentration camps after being detained in prison for some time. Cases of this kind are still occurring up to the time of writing. The conditions of life at these camps are sufficiently well known. They have brought about the death within a very short time of those, even among younger men, whose powers of resistance were inadequate. Thus we have to record the death of the Rev. Edmund Bursche, late dean of the faculty of Protestant Theology in Warsaw, in July 1940, at Mauthausen; that of Dr. Alexander Rajchman, lecturer of Warsaw University, at Oranienburg, in 1941 ; the decease at Oswiecim of:
W. BRONIKOWSKI, assistant lecturer of the Warsaw Principal School of Rural Economy (1940). A. HEYDEL, professor of Cracow University (1941).
S. JACHIMOWSKI, deputy professor at the Warsaw Principal School of Rural Economy (1940).
M. ORZECKI, professor of the Polish Free University (1941).  '
J. SIEMIENSKI, professor of the Cracow University (1941).
W. SOSNOWSKI, assistant lecturer of the Warsaw School of Engineering (1940).
W. STANISZKIS, professor of the Warsaw Principal School of Rural Economy (1941).
L B. SWlDERSKI, research professor of Warsaw University.
These lists are certainly not exhaustive, for the fate of many imprisoned scholars is as yet unknown, and it is difficult under present conditions to obtain reliable information.
Other persecutions were not so shocking, but they were numerous and varied. Often they took the form of ejection from dwelling-places. We have already described the brutal manner in which the professors, readers, and lecturers of Poznan University were treated on this occasion. The staff of learned institutions at Torun and Gdynia were similarly removed from their homes without any reason given, and were likewise compelled to leave behind all household goods, clothing, books, and even research material collected as a basis for work. Only one suitcase and twenty zlotys were allowed. After travelling for many days in sealed goods trucks the deportees were turned out of the train at remote places and left to their fate. The professors of Cracow University and their families were also ejected within a space of two hours from their homes in the building of their own co-operative society. They found it possible, however, to save at least part of their possessions, and were permitted to remain in Cracow. Relatives and acquaintances had to offer them a roof over their heads.
As we have already shown, in Warsaw the majority of institutions for research and study were wholly or partly destroyed as a consequence of military operations. In Cracow and Poznan they had remained undamaged, and even in the capital a certain proportion of them might have continued successfully to serve their purpose after suitable repairs, and with the necessary care given to their equipment. But, shortly after the entry of the German troops into these towns, the occupying authorities converted college buildings to their own use, without any regard for the interests of the institutions affected, or for the value of the equipment from the point of view of science. This matter will be presented in greater detail at a further stage. It is mentioned here merely as one of the conditions ruling the life of Poland's scholars, who have thus been cut off from their normal places of work.
In Cracow the German authorities saw fit to consider the arrest of the university's teaching staff as signifying the abolition of the university itself and the •dismissal of all its employees. On that same day of November 6th, 1939, the Gestapo closed and sealed up the majority of University Institutes and departments in buildings till then unoccupied by the invaders. Before the end of the month a German administrative official was put in charge of the buildings. In Warsaw, institutes and laboratories which had escaped both destruction and occupation by the Germans were, in February 1940, closed, and in part sealed, by the Abwicklungstelle fuer das polnische Kultursministerium (Office for Liquidating the Affairs of the Polish Ministry of Education). Access to them was allowed only on the strength of an individual and personal permit, issued by the Abwicklungstelle, but never granted for purposes of work. Clinics, alone, were permitted to continue their bare, therapeutic activities. For Polish scholars the blow was the more severe, as fires, shellings, deportations and ejections from homes had consumed most of their private possessions, and robbed them of their everyday means of work.
In May 1940 the authorities permitted the utilization of certain laboratories for practical purposes connected with the current needs of industry. Strenuous efforts on the part of the directing professors resulted in the opening of eleven laboratories at the Warsaw School of Engineering, five at Warsaw University, and two at the Cracow Mining Academy. It is a fundamental condition of the leave thus granted by the Abwicklungstelle (as explicitly stated in the official document in question), that any work carried on in these laboratories should be wholly of a practical nature, and that no "teaching or research activities" should be permitted. Nor may anyone (also according to the terms of the said document) have access to the laboratories for purposes of instruction.
The remaining vestiges of college organization were categorically ended by a decree of the Abwicklungstelle, dated September 14th, 1940, which formally declared that all university-grade schools had been closed at the end of September 1939, that the use of rectorial and diaconal titles is forbidden, that the connection between professors and their former laboratories and institutes has
ceased, although in certain cases they may be granted access on the strength of individual and personal permits. Such was the formal termination of a twelve-months' interval of undefined legal status. By this decree the complete abolition of university schools in Poland was announced, and the removal of Polish scholars from their places of work definitely sanctioned.
This state of things is not only in accordance with the ideas of Nazi political circles, but also with opinions shared by a proportion (at present impossible to determine how many) of German scholars, as witness words pronounced by some of them. A certain man of science from Berlin, for instance, nominated to a chair at the German University in Poznan, while directing the looting of scientific instruments in Warsaw (a question to which we shall return later), said to his Polish colleague, whose laboratory he was ruining: “Don't you delude yourself by thinking you will ever take up scientific work again; there's a definite end to that."
In order to restrict the possibilities of study and research still further, access was next denied to all the existing libraries, whether of general or special character, whether belonging to the State, to municipalities or to public institutions, to private persons, scientific or professional associations, with the sole exception of the Warsaw Municipal Public Library, the use of which has been hedged about with numerous restrictions.
The publication of all Polish scientific periodicals has been forbidden. One by one the exchange copies of the scientific Press abroad ceased to come in, thus further isolating Polish scholars and cutting them off from any possibility of even fragmentary work in their own subjects.
Despite the partial destruction of their premises and equipment, Poland's numerous learned associations could still have served as centres of intellectual interests, of research or teaching. This was not permitted. At first they were oppressed, molested, closed down one by one; then, on July 23rd, 1940, they were all declared dissolved and ordered to register their assets, which are, of course, subject to confiscation. It is not known up to now what form this liquidation will assume.
Foundations and institutions devoted to the fostering of learning have suffered a similar fate. The foundations cannot carry on their activities, their assets have been frozen, and the administration of the" Generalgouvernement" has yet to take a decision concerning their further disposal; agricultural
property was immediately taken over by the Germans without any regard to the legal aspects of the matter (according to the Hague Convention, foundations possessing a legal status of their own, independent of Government organization, are entitled to protection). Consequently, Polish scholars can expect no help from this quarter, at a time when they need it so greatly.
Thus, to the impossibility of  carrying on their proper work, and to the nervous tension caused by continual acts of terrorism, is added the wearying care for daily material needs. It is rendered more acute by the fact that Polish men of science are mostly possessed only of modest means and live mainly on the current proceeds of their labour. Decrees of general import issued by the Germans have deprived them all of their means of support. Only those already pensioned receive certain stipends (if they are “Aryans”). Paid work is very hard to get in a labour market restricted by war conditions, and where the qualifications of a man of science are a bar to employment in all occupations controlled by the occupying authorities.
The schools, greatly reduced in number and size, face a glut of candidates for teaching posts, caused both by the abolition of all non-trade secondary schools and by the necessity of providing at least partial employment for the thousands of teachers, brutally deported from territory "incorporated in the Reich," who have been stranded without any means of support in the "Generalgouvernement. "
Another possibility of earning a living by work useful to the community has been precluded by a ban on all teaching (even of individual pupils) of a higher standard, and all dissemination of science by special courses, lectures, and so on. The publication of university manuals of science, monographs and popular works on scientific subjects has also been forbidden. All this, it seems, was "contrary to German interests."
The closing down of professional associations, such as the Union of Professors and Lecturers of University Schools, the Association of University Assistants, the Society of Secondary and University School Teachers (their funds also being confiscated), put out of action institutions which might have organized some form of mutual help, such as employment agencies, supplementary feeding, and so on.
It must be added here that all private accounts in savings banks and others were frozen immediately after the entry of the Germans, and only fractions of the sums deposited are paid out at stated times. They bear no relation whatever to the cost of living; only in rare and exceptional cases is it possible to obtain permission from the German Board of Control for slightly larger payments. Scholars therefore find themselves faced by the necessity for selling their last remaining possessions in order to have some means of subsistence, or else of undertaking work which has nothing in common with their qualifications and expert knowledge; such as teaching languages, filling auxiliary posts in trade, and acting as clerks in offices of all kinds. An ex-rector and an ex-dean worked throughout the winter of 1939-40 as stokers of a central-heating furnace. Not all were able to find even such work. Many could obtain but little from the sale of their modest belongings. The overwhelming majority have thus scarcely enough to keep them from outright starvation, and not enough to prevent under-nourishment. This leads to increasing exhaustion, the effects of which were already apparent during the second year of the war, in numerous cases of illness and in a diminished capacity for work. Resistance to disease is also lessened and mortality increases. We can here quote the case of Dr. S. Kwietniewski, deputy professor of mathematics at Warsaw University, who died of exhaustion in the street.

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Not content with running and harrying men, the Germans proceeded to the destruction of instruments and places of work.
It is characteristic of the first phase of German occupation that THE WILL TO DESTROY, not desire for loot, was the dominant passion. The main purpose of the Germans was obviously to prevent any reconstruction of the Polish institutions they were putting out of existence. Consequently, possessions were plundered, requisitions carried out haphazard, mostly without any list or inventory being made, the formality of a receipt mostly ignored, no attention paid to the safety of delicate and valuable objects. Buildings were assigned as quarters to military units which, on leaving, carried away not only furniture, but also various fittings. The safeguarding by the Polish staff of edifices and premises damaged in the course of hostilities was rendered impossible by by the Germans. On the contrary, even existing stocks of fuel were removed, so that the initial damage was greatly accentuated during the severe winter of 1939-40 by the ravages of the weather. Then came a series of removals, suddenly executed, and resulting in the destruction and theft of scientific equipment. At this time there was no evidence of any realization that the objects thus destroyed might profitably be turned to the invaders' own use; the huge devastations carried out during this period brought only infinitesimal gains to German laboratories and institutes.
Some of the objects requisitioned were at once carried away to Germany, but only rarely has it been possible to establish where they are now and in what state they arrived. Some, for instance the delicate geodetical instruments of the Warsaw School of Engineering, were sent to Breslau, but packed and handled in such a way that they must have lost all practical value. Others, like the complete equipment of the Astronomical Institute of the same school, stood packed in cases for many months, and were then put back in their old place. Many instruments and books were sent to various German institutions in the "Generalgouvernement," but owing to the brutal manner in which they have been handled they are in a piteous state. Many things have simply disappeared.
It was not until the year 1940 that various liquidating committees, "trustees," and so on, took some action to bring a little order into these proceedings, thus to some extent, though by no means wholly, putting an end to further wanton destruction.
In the UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW, the institute most expertly robbed was that of Experimental Physics. It was of comparatively recent creation, one of the best equipped and organized of its kind in the world, its work widely known abroad. Thanks to a grant of 50,000 dollars from the Rockefeller Foundation it was particularly rich in scientific apparatus. Under the skilled guidance of a German physicist, 95 per cent. of its most valuable research instruments, and the entire library, were taken away; only a number of appliances for students' exercises were left behind. In the Institutes of Botany, Zoology, and Plant Physiology, the most valuable instruments and books were similarly selected with the help of German men of science; in the Institute of Plant Physiology the requisition was accompanied by the destruction of a great number of microscopic slides and other materials for research. Part of the more valuable appliances of the Institute of Inorganic Chemistry was also taken.
As to the institutes of the Faculty of Arts, the severest loss was suffered by the departments of Indo-European Philology and of the Polish language; the libraries of both were carried away to Germany under the expert supervision of Dr. Augsburg, a lecturer from Berlin.
From five institutes of the Medical Faculty many instruments, books, and parts of various collections were requisitioned; some, like those of the Institute of Descriptive Anatomy, being already rendered useless in the course of packing and careless loading on to lorries.
In the Warsaw SCHOOL OF ENGINEERING the Institutes of Higher and Lower Geodetics suffered considerable loss owing to the requisitioning of their instruments of precision. The fate of the Astronomical Institute's equipment has already been mentioned. Many instruments of precision were also taken from the Institute of Physics. The entire Institute of Organic Technology was requisitioned and destroyed, so also were the institutes of the Military Section of the Faculty of Mechanics. The Library was robbed of numerous sets of periodicals and fundamental works on various subjects, mainly those referring to botany and chemistry. Nearly all the remaining institutes also suffered losses of varying extent, caused by requisitions, removals from place to place, theft, and insufficient protection.
Immediately after the capitulation of Warsaw the main building of the School of Engineering was occupied by troops. They took possession in such a manner that, in spite of the strenuous efforts on the part of professors and the administrative staff, it was impossible to prevent the partial destruction of students' documents and institute inventories. These first German units, when leaving the building to make room for their successors, took away the whole of the furniture and a great part of the fittings, more particularly the electric ones. Various things useful to army units were also taken from other premises; especially typewriters. It was not only commanding officers who acted thus; many individual soldiers did as much on their own.
The entire equipment of the six institutes of the Faculty of Forestry was carried off from the PRINCIPAL SCHOOL OF RURAL ECONOMY. Previous to requisition, the school was visited by a group of German professors from Eberswalde, who gave instructions as to the manner in which it was to be effected. The requisition took place in the course of December 1939 and January 1940. Desks and cupboards were burst open, in the Institute of Biometrics; typescripts containing results of research work were used for wrapping up the confiscated objects. Many instruments of precision were damaged by being loaded on lorries without packing. Many collections of private materials and notes were also taken, including several score of final theses. Six other institutes of the same school also suffered great loss through requisition and barbarous handling of their equipment.
The RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF THE STATE FORESTS was similarly ransacked and robbed. At the end of November 1939, the same group of professors from Eberswalde appeared at this institute and ordered the removal of its entire equipment to the Reich. Not laboratory instruments only, but books and collections were taken, as well as sinks, taps, rubbers, and so on. The requisition took place under the orders of a certain young German, a pupil of the Lwow School of Engineering.
A considerable number of things were taken to Berlin from the STATE SCHOOL OF GEOLOGY; microscopes, a map-copying apparatus, all the geo-physical instruments (many others of considerable value), all the rarer books, the originals of maps and other works as yet unpublished, several weighing-machines, typewriters, and so on. Here, receipts were given.
Many other learned institutions in Warsaw suffered smaller losses, which, however, make up a respectable total, from requisitions or plain robberies. The troops stationed in the CENTRAL OFFICE OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES, for instance, took away with them various locksmith's tools, measuring appliances, and the like. The STATE MUSEUM OF ZOOLOGY was robbed of many exhibits. The ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS had suffered heavily during the siege; now the remaining animals have been taken to Berlin. And so on.
In the academic schools of Cracow there was no damage to register in consequence of hostilities. Their losses, probably equalling the enormous losses sustained by Warsaw university establishments are wholly due to the deliberate policy of the German occupying authorities.
In CRACOW UNIVERSITY only a small part of the premises, lying apart from the main body of the University buildings, had been occupied by troops up to the moment of the arrests of the professors on November 6th. 1939. On that day the Gestapo closed and sealed up the majority of University Institutes, occupied the Registrar's and Bursar's offices, and removed the money. Before the month was out, an administrator of the university possessions was nominated, in the person of an official of subordinate rank, whose activities proved to be wholly negative. Although the university possessed a stock of coal, the buildings were not heated, so that water pipes and radiators burst, ruining walls, ceilings, sometimes also collections. If any premises were requisitioned, the removal of their contents was carried out in a barbarous manner, instruments, collections, and libraries being scattered or looted in an unprecedented fashion, their remains stuffed into various odd corners, mostly in the Witkowski Collegium or in the Pieracki-Street "gymnasium." Occasionally one of the assistants contrived to be present at the removal, and in such cases the losses were comparatively less. It was not until the end of 1940 that the "Cracow District Department of Popular Education and Propaganda" turned its attention to the university. A "trustee" was nominated, and from that time onwards some effort was made to safeguard its decaying buildings and rescue the remains of libraries and equipment. The proceedings of the first year, however, had already caused huge losses.
Thus, for instance, in the main university building (the Collegium Novum), which in November 1939 was taken over by the Department of Labour of the "Generalgouvernement" administration, books, furniture, instruments, and documents removed from offices, lecture-rooms and department institutes had been thrown in a heap in a part of the premises. In the summer of 1940 the building was cleared, benches and professorial chairs (including a fine Gothic one in the main hall) being hacked to pieces. It was then assigned to the Statistical Bureau, five rooms being left at the disposal of the university "trustee." The university archives and part of the registers were stacked in the store-rooms of the State Archives.
The greater part of the valuable collection belonging to the INSTITUTE FOR THE HISTORY OF ART was carried off to Vienna (a certain portion has disappeared without trace) ; the collections of the Institute of Prehistoric Archaeology were transported in such a fashion that the labels of many exhibits were lost; the map collection of the Geographical Institute was confiscated; the entire department of the History of Civilization has vanished; so has the library of the School of Political Science.
The Institute of Physics housed in the Witkowski Collegium served at one time as a storehouse for equipment and books removed from other buildings ; in the autumn of 1940 it was taken over by the German Institut fuer Deutsche Ostarbeit (of which we shall have occasion to speak at more length later on), and subjected to alterations which destroyed its valuable apparatus and fittings. The Institutes of Chemistry were robbed of valuable sets of periodicals; the Institute of Physical Chemistry and Electro-chemistry, which had possessed numerous valuable appliances, was almost completely wrecked. Many exhibits were taken from the Geological Collection without any formalities whatever; many also from the Institute of Mineralogy. The Institute of Palaeontology suffered considerable losses through having to change its quarters twice. The Institute of Plant Anatomy and Cytology suffered similarly. The Institute of Pharmaceutical Botany was robbed of its microscope and sets of periodicals; the rest of the equipment was rendered useless by rough handling during removal. A number of plants were seized from the hothouse of the Botanical Gardens to serve as decorations in the private lodgings of German dignitaries.
The main building of the Agricultural Faculty (Godlewski Collegium) was converted to office use, the costly fittings of its natural history laboratories being completely destroyed in the process. The more valuable items of its equipment were in part taken away (possibly to Halle and Breslau), in part dispersed (a number of its microscopes, for instance, were found in the Chamber of Agriculture at Kielce) ; and the remainder barbarously destroyed - as, for instance, at the Institute of Agricultural Chemistry, where glass was smashed on the spot, crucibles seized for metal, thermometers emptied of mercury, and so on. What remained of the collections of the Forestry Institute was taken over by the Forestry Department of the "Generalgouvernement" administration; the considerably depleted libraries of several other institutes found their way to the Cracow Chamber of Agriculture.
The furniture of numerous other institutes was either confiscated for German official and private use or hacked for firewood. Even books were sometimes used as fuel, as in the departments of the Theological Faculty in Basztowa Street. Other books were transported hastily and in disorder, often being moved from place to place, and shockingly damaged in the process. Many were simply stolen. The greater part of the university's department libraries at last came to rest in the University Library, but they arrived there in a perfectly dreadful state. Certain other libraries, already depleted were seized by the Institut fuer Deutsche Ostarbeit. The premises assigned to German offices and institutions have been subjected to such alteration that the idea of restoring them to their former use appears impossible.
The fate of the University Library itself is described in the chapter devoted to libraries; the requisitioning of the houses owned by the professors' co-operative society has already been mentioned; we may further add that of two existing large students' hostels the one is occupied by troops, the other has been handed over to the Ukrainians.
The Cracow MINING ACADEMY has suffered heavily. Its new building was first turned into a hospital and later into the Governor-General's office. This second change having been decided on, the Academy's possessions, which had up to that time been deposited under seals in a part of the premises, were subjected to an incredible devastation. Part of the more valuable instruments was taken to the Mining Academy in Berlin; -of the remainder, a great number of cameras, thermometers, chronometers, lenses of all kinds, and suchlike, were stolen for their private profit by the German functionaries employed in "clearing" the building. They did not scorn professorial robes, windowblinds, and similar minor loot. Many instruments were on this occasion destroyed. All office furniture was confiscated for the use of the Governor-General's offices. Pieces considered unsuitable, as being too large and the like, were hacked for firewood. Books and collections were thrown haphazard into the cellars, whence only a part could later be rescued and dumped either in the University Library or in the Academy's second house in the suburb of Podgorze. The institutes quartered here have hitherto happily suffered no loss except that of their furniture. The new building of the Mining Academy was thoroughly altered inside, the old plan being completely obliterated, the main hall damaged, and so on. The machine laboratory was turned into a garage, the machines stolen or seized for scrap. The part played in this looting by German university professors, who travelled specially to Cracow for the purpose, left an extraordinarily distasteful impression.
The POLISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCE AND LETTERS was deprived of part of its office furniture, the library being damaged in the process. But most of its books were saved, thanks to the fact that they were transferred to the University Library.
The ACADEMY OF TECHNICAL SCIENCE was robbed of its large collection of card notes for a Polish technical dictionary.
No exact data are available concerning the extent of the devastations at the UNIVERSITY OF POZNAN and the research institutions of Poznan, Bydgoszcz, Katowice, Torun, Gdynia and other towns situated in territory "incorporated in the Reich," since all the members of their staffs were very speedily deported, thus sharing the fate of almost the entire body of Polish intelligentsia in those parts. But as the general policy of the Germans in regard to these provinces consists in obliterating all traces of Polish character and every record of Polish work, more particularly in the intellectual sphere, a very great amount of damage must be expected.

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After accomplishing this work of destruction the Germans, in spite of it, decided to reopen a number of institutes, considering their activities necessary for purposes of administration, at times even useful for the army. Germans were placed at their head, and in most cases these offered employment to all or part of the previous Polish staff. There was a tendency to fuse institutions of kindred character.
Thus, for instance, five independent institutions have been given a common framework of organization with the AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE of Pulawy which now carries on work under the name of Landwirtschaftliche Forschunganstalt des Generalgouvernements, so that the Institute of Fermentation Processes, the Institute of Agricultural Economy, the Institute of Wool-testing and that of Seed-grading, together with a chemical laboratory, now form the Warsaw branch of the Pulawy establishment.
The STATE INSTITUTE OF GEOLOGY was likewise reopened, the needful repairs having been effected, and it was linked with the Seismographical Observatory belonging to the Polish Geographical Association. The whole is now styled Dienststelle fuer Polenforschung im Amte des Generalgouverneurs. Apart from the Director, his deputy, two secretaries and one geologist, the staff of over fifty persons is Polish. The work in general resembles that of pre-war times, but scientific research has been reduced to a minimum, stress being laid chiefly on practical matters, especially such as are connected with oil-fields, iron-ore and phosphorite deposits. In consequence of this change in the nature of the institution, its main office has been transferred from Warsaw to Cracow, where, however, only ten persons, the Director and his deputy, are employed. Steps have been taken recently to organize a branch at Lwow, for which five Poles and one Ukrainian have been engaged; the geological station of the Boryslaw oil-fields has been incorporated in the Dienststelle without any change of staff. Owing to various reasons, however, the work of the Dienststelle proceeds but slowly, and its practical results are small. The German management has decided to complete in unchanged form the printing of three publications begun by the Institute of Geology before the war.
The HYDROGRAPHICAL INSTITUTE with its Polish staff continue work as a section of the Abteilung Bauwesen, Department of Works, (of the Governor-General's office). Here also the German management has published two papers prepared before the war (one in German, the other in French), prefacing them with exceptionally courteous introductory remarks.
Other institutions which similarly carry on their activities under German management, but with a staff predominantly Polish, are: The STATE INSTITUTE OF HYGIENE, the STATE INSTITUTE OF METEOROLOGY, and the INSTITUTE OF TELECOMMUNICATION.
Having recognized the work of all these as necessary, the occupying authorities grant them certain funds, not only for purposes of administration, but also for enlarging their collections and adding to their scientific apparatus. In this case also, however, there is a tendency to supplement their needs if possible by the seizure of objects from other institutions whose work has been stopped, thus further disorganizing laboratories and causing considerable damage by dismantling, transport and so on.
A number of institutes belonging to university-grade schools have been, as it were, given independence and made to carry on their activities on a basis analogous to that of those mentioned, German management being likewise imposed on them. Such is the case with the Botanical Gardens and the Fruit and Vegetable Gardens of the University at Cracow. They are now called the Botanische Anstalten. The Institute of Ichthyology at Cracow, the Astronomical Observatories of Cracow and Warsaw, the experimental estate of the Cracow Faculty of Agriculture, the Institute of Forensic Medicine (linked up with the Institute of Medical Chemistry), and many more, have been similarly treated. The clinics of the Cracow Faculty of Medicine and a number of auxiliary institutes have been taken over by the Hospital of St. Lazarus, which is under German management. Only one of the professors continues to work there (without pay) ; the rest were not permitted to do so after their return from Oranienburg. The assistants, however, are still at their posts. Other Cracow medical institutes, such as the Institute of Physiology, the Institute of Bacteriology, and that of General and Experimental Pathology, have been seized by certain German institutions which carry on their activities there.
In Warsaw certain university institutes, like the Botanical Gardens and all the clinics, were taken over by the municipality with their entire staffs.
We have already mentioned the fact that the occupying authorities agreed to the reopening of a very restricted number of laboratories at the Warsaw University, the Warsaw School of Engineering, and the Mining Academy of Cracow, for industrial and practical purposes. The staff of the Chemical Research Institute were similarly permitted to use a part of its premises for carrying out commissioned analyses and producing minor chemical goods. Here also all scientific work is strictly forbidden.
Trade schools are occasionally quartered in premises previously belonging to universities, and some of them profit by the existing laboratory equipment. Thus, for instance, since May 1940 the two-year course for hospital nurses in Warsaw holds its lectures and practical exercises in the building of "Theoretical Medicine". (A number of university professors and lecturers teach in this school.)
That much remains of Poland's university schools and of the Polish research activities, so widely developed before the war.

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AFTER the first six months of occupation the Germans began to show some initiative in creating research institutions of their own on Polish soil.
Their first achievement was the creation in Cracow of an "Institute for German Work in Eastern Europe" (Institut fuer Deutsche Ostarbeit). It was solemnly inaugurated by the Governor-General, Dr. Frank, in 1940, on April 20th, the Fuehrer' s birthday. The choice of this particular date was not without a deeper symbolic significance. True, the statutes of the institution define its purpose in a manner not greatly different from that employed elsewhere on similar occasions; they say: "The aim of the Institut fuer Deutsche Ostarbeit is to solve by scientific study all the basic problems of the eastern space, as far as they concern the Generalgouvernement, and also to publish and spread the results of its researches." But it was the great speech of Dr. Frank on inauguration day which made plain the aims which are to be served by German “research results" in this case. Here are its main points:
If we have here proudly unfurled the banner of Adolf Hitler over our future activities, we have done so in the consciousness that the German spirit, carried forward by the magnificent weapons of our Reich, has been victorious, and that, as a result of the victory, it will also safeguard for days to come, the German future in this eastern German space. . . .
. . . This Institute is in a threefold meaning a German institute. It is an institute for all intellectual activities of Germans in this country .... Our institute is, furthermore, to carry out work in conformity with the intentions of Germany. The Generalgouvernement can live and prosper only if it knows itself to belong, body and soul, to Germanism. . . . Lastly, it is our task to work against the enemies of Germany in this space. . . . Here in this Institute we will therefore systematically make clear the necessity for a triumph of German spiritual leadership, and thus oppose the wave of calumny and misrepresentation that continuously seeks to counteract the work of the administration and of the army ....
It was never possible to consider the Vistula as having become estranged from the German and Central-European space; on the contrary, it was, and is, Germany's river, not Germany's frontier-line.
Dr. Frank did not devote much attention to the Poles. There is for him no shadow of doubt that “the Polish people of the Generalgouvernement" must willingly accept the plain results of “historical development," and bring themselves “within a German protectorate" (Schutzherrschaft). “Besides, the Poles, after all, owe everything to the Germans, more particularly in the realm of civilization." We also learned on this occasion of a fact otherwise unknown to historians, even . . . in Germany; that is, that  "the territory of Poland was politically for over a thousand years almost uninterruptedly under German over-lordship." We do not suppose that Dr. Frank was counting on the fathomless ignorance of his hearers; it seems more probable that he links up history and prehistoric studies, accepting as unshakable truth the theses of certain German archaeologists concerning an early (pre-Slavonic) presence of German tribes on the shores of the Vistula. Prehistoric archaeology is a science still young, and in its generalizations it is largely a matter of hypothetic statements; it is true that these hypotheses range over a period of thousands of years, but then, on the other hand, so far as we know, it speaks little of political organization as such, and still less in relation to such remote periods of pre-history. For Dr. Frank, however, and also, as we shall see, for his collaborating scholars, this argument of hypothetical millennia is one of great weight, and definitely deprives the Poles of any moral right to a voice in matters concerning the soil on which their history has developed for a thousand undisputed years. (Cf. Plate 8). This is how he continued his oration:
And so it is also plain that the settler here in the Vistula country, the artisan, the trader, the political leader, the guardian of law, that the German soldier and the German artist - in short, that all of them have here in this East secured a home, theirs by older and better rights than any they can claim who have come to rest in this space only as a result of being pushed backwards and forwards between the two great Continental Powers of Europe, between Germany and Russia; more by accident than vocation.
In short, the Cracow Institute has been conceived as an instrument for the German policy of extermination. Dr. Frank quite plainly recognized its predecessors in the exponents of the German “Eastward Drive" (Drang nach Osten), which is eternal:
German eastern research, the urge towards an Eastern State and towards the eastern space, are as old as the concept of a German Empire itself .... No different than we see it to-day, with all its difficulties, was the task which we undertook a thousand years ago ...
As is natural for an institution of this kind, it has the Governor-General for its chairman, He nominates the administrative manager, the scientific director, the ordinary and honorary members, and the learned collaborators (wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiter), The Institute at present possesses ten sections: Prehistory, History, History of Art, Economics, Law, Study of Race and Nationality,
Geography, Agriculture, Forestry and Timber, Garden Lore. Other sections are planned for the future. In the autumn of 1941 it was employing fifty "trained experts" (wissensehaftliche Fachkraefte). These include two Polish professors, broken victims of the Oranienburg camp, and some half-dozen Polish research fellows (only subordinate tasks are, of course, entrusted to them all, mainly the collecting of material). The Institute's Manager, who is also Editor-in-Chief of its publications, is Dr. Wilhelm Coblitz. Its offices, workrooms and exhibition halls are housed in a complex of three large buildings belonging to Cracow University (including its oldest Gothic edifice, which once housed the University Library). We have already mentioned the fact that various collections which had formed the property of confiscated University institutes have also come into its possession.
The Institute's first public performance was a three-day Arbeitstagung (Working Conference), held on the 20th-22nd June, 1940, at which twelve papers were read and the town was visited by conference members in a body. Apart from Institute members, the authors of papers read were other leading specialists in Eastern European matters, such as three professors of Breslau University - Aubin, Kuhn, and Dagobert Frey. The audience consisted of "eminent officials working in the Generalgouvernement."
There were several such conferences later on, but it is in publications and exhibitions that the Institute's activities are chiefly manifested.
Since October 1940 it publishes a quarterly called Die Burg, a title in this case doubly eloquent, for it denotes not only a castle in general, but is also the appellation officially imposed in Cracow on the Polish royal castle on Wawel Hill, to-day turned into the Governor-General's residence. The first number contains a contribution from Dr. Frank in which the Institute's political aims are made even more plain than in his great inauguration speech: "This seat of scientific research and constructive cultural work must supply the weapons for the battle, hard, yet illuminated by magnificent historical prospects, which Germanism wages in the easternmost regions of the Vistula." Dr. Frank therefore calls upon all the officials and employees of the "Generalgouvernement" to take an active part in the Institute's work.
Die Burg is published in numbers approximating in size to the London "Studio." Each of them has from 72 to 132 pages, tastefully printed, with many good illustrations, some of which we reproduce. In the numbers so far published there is a predominance of articles concerning history, history of art, prehistory, archives, and "studies of race and nationality." Geography and economics are less plentifully represented. Among the contributors we find not only the regular members of the Institute, but also various specialists from the Reich; for example, Dr. Manfred Laubert, professor in Berlin; Dr. P. H. Seraphim, lecturer at Koenigsberg; Dr. F. Korkisch, of the Kaiser Wilhelmsinstitut fuer auslaendisches und internationales Privatreeht; and so on. In general, however, the numbers of the Burg make very monotonous reading. If we except strictly descriptive articles (such, for instance, as Dr. Randt's on Polish Archives, or J. W. Niemann's on the illustrations of the so-called Codex pictoratus of the sixteenth-century Cracow burgher, Balthasar Behem), the thesis and conclusion of each are known beforehand. Articles on historical subjects and the history of art always show that everything the Poles ever did was senseless and worthless, and if in some exceptional case there was sense or value to be found, it was always German work, or the aping of German models. From articles on geographical and economic matters it is similarly plain that the "Vistula country" is closely linked with Germany and cannot exist without it. Anthropological discussions always lead to the conclusion that the Poles are, strictly speaking, an omnium gatherum of various racial and ethnical groups which, in the name of scientific accuracy, should be differentiated. Prehistoric studies always go to prove that (as we already know from Dr. Frank) the Poles are really very recent arrivals on the Vistula, since, it is alleged, they were not to be found there even during the first centuries A.D. !
Professor Dr. Werner Radig wins the palm from all the other contributors of the Burg by his sweeping assertions in an article entitled The Prehistory of the Eastern-German Living-space (Die Vorgeschichte des Ostdeutschen Lebensraumes), 1941, No. 1, where he says:
The year 1939 became a year of victory over alien Polish rule, and brought expiation for historical and prehistoric wrong.
We have read many archreological studies, but never hitherto did we meet with an archreologist and moralist in one, lamenting over" prehistoric wrongs" (vorgeschichtliches Unrecht). An ethnical sensibility so delicate could only bloom on the soil of German National Socialism. Surely few creations of the German spirit have deserved the characteristically German epithet of Kolossal in such a measure as Dr. Radig's thesis. It is highly significant that not only is Professor Dr. Radig head of the "Prehistory" section of the Institut fuer Deutsche Ostarbeit, but that he has also, for several months past, been in charge of the general scientific management, with the style of a wissenschaftlicher Leiter.
In the contributions of other German scholars we can also find interesting opinions concerning the purposes of scientific research. Dr. Hans Graul ("Deputy Manager of the Geographical Section”), in an article on the landscape between the Vistula and the Carpathians, says:
Knowledge of the character of the landscape east of the borders of the German people will be one of the bases of our struggle for new land for the nation. (Das Wissen um das Wesen der Landschaft im Osten der deutschen Volksgrenze wird eine der Grundlagen unseres Ringens um neuen Volksboden sein.)
It may perhaps be worth while to mention that a large proportion of the illustrations hitherto published in the Burg comes from the confiscated collections of the Polish Central Inventory Bureau, a fact never yet acknowledged.
Since the beginning of 1941, the institute has published a second periodical, Deutsche Forschung im Osten ("German Research in Eastern Europe”), which is to appear eight times a year. Its numbers are smaller in size and volume, containing short essays and articles telling of the organization and plans of work in the Institute's various sections. They prove as clearly as those of the Burg that in all domains concerned the collaborators of the Institute have their conclusions ready beforehand. As an example we may quote the reports of Dr. Heinrich Gottong, a particularly active member of the section for" Study of Race and Nationality." In an explanatory sketch published in No. 6, 1941, he first argues that the racial mixture on Polish territory is so great that "the usual racial definitions for Central Europe can no longer apply." Soon, however, it is made plain that one thing is clear in this hotch-potch, and this can be defined with the help of "the usual racial definitions." It is the valuable German strain (Einschlag) :
It is only thanks to the steady inflow of German blood, brought by settlers and colonists from the early Middle Ages down to the beginning of the twentieth century, that the Polish people have retained their close connection with Central-European civilization.
Any reader used to putting two and two together should reflect on reading this paragraph that if the Poles are really so greatly germanized there is perhaps not much sense in wrangling with them over “historical and prehistoric wrong" as hotly as Dr. Radig does. But it is hard to say whether Deutsche Forschung im Osten has any such readers. Nor do Dr. Gottong's conclusions in any way tend to correct the theses of his archaeologist colleagues; they are meant to show that "scientific processes" should be applied in order to follow the traces of "the dispersed German blood," and that, when discovered, these "valuable genealogical lines" (wertvolle Erblinien) should be preserved with double care and kept from further losses," that the "tracing and preserving, even possibly the recovery of German blood strayed to the Poles" should be strenuously fostered (die Auffindung und Rettung, oder gar die Wiedergewinnung des an das polnisehe Volkstum verloren gegangenen Blutes in bester Weise zu foerdern.) These are far-reaching ... scientific prospects, indeed.
The Institut fuer Deutsehe Ostarbeit publishes not only periodicals, but individual works. In the year 1941 there appeared two books: one by Dr. P. H. Seraphim, on the economic structure of the "Generalgouvernement" ; the other a translation with commentary of a scurrilous Polish pamphlet against the Jews, published in 1618.
In the year 1941 the Institute also organized two exhibitions at Cracow.
One, in May, was devoted to the work of Veit Stoss (Wit Stwosz) ; the other took place in September, and consisted of archreological specimens collected under the heading: "Teutonic Heritage in the Vistula Country" (Germanenerbe im Weiehselraum). (See Plate 8). On both occasions Dr. Frank pronounced important speeches. The September discourse was a eulogy of Germanism, culminating in the following:
We must deny beforehand the criticism levelled against Germanism that it shows symptoms of decline and degeneration. Never have the Germans been barbarians, never have they been brutal tramplers-down of beauty! They were always carriers of a strong aura of Lichtbezogenheit (whatever that may mean), of the rise of order, and of power, self-assured, because founded on belief in God.
It must have been very pleasant to hear all this from Dr. Frank.
At the opening of the Veit Stoss (Wit Stwosz) Exhibition, Dr. Frank made some weighty announcements. He declared that in the course of 1941 a German Academy of Medicine would be opened in Cracow, later to form part of a great German university bearing the name of Copernicus, for which the plans and preparations were already made. At the same time a German Academy of Fine Arts and an astronomical observatory ("the greatest in the East") were to be created. Some weeks later, on June 11th, 1941, the official Krakauer Zeitung published details concerning the organization of the new university. It is to be a "novel structure," typically National-Socialist in character," consisting of three faculties: Art, Biology (including medicine and psychology), and a Mathematico-Technico-Physical Faculty. The work of the Faculty of Arts is to find support in the Institut fuer Deustche Ostarbeit, which will probably become a kind of academy of sciences and letters.
As yet none of these announcements has been fulfilled. Dr. Frank has only founded two prizes, of 50,000 zlotys each, to be awarded annually, one under the name of a Nicholas Copernicus Prize for a learned work lying within the range of interests of the Institut fuer Deutsehe Ostarbeit, the other to be known as the Veit Stoss Prize, and to be given for" achievements in art" or as an art scholarship.
In the second half of 1941 a branch of the Institut fuer Deutsehe Ostarbeit was opened at Lwow.

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IN territory "incorporated in the Reich" greater haste was shown in organizing academic schools, and the German University at Poznan was opened as early as April 27th, 1941. The solemn inaguration ceremony was presided over by Reichsminister Rust, deputizing for the Fuehrer ; it was graced by the presence of numerous honoured guests like "the rectors of all German universities, university-grade schools, and academies of science. As befits the "first National-Socialist foundation of this kind," the university is not only to possess all faculties, but also a number of special Chairs; for instance, one for German ethnography, with particular attention paid to "border-Germans and Volksdeutsche," one for race-policy (Rassen-politik), one for agrarian and colonizing history, and so on.
Though at first only three faculties were opened-those of Philosophy, Natural History and Agriculture-the inauguration of the "Faculty of Legal, Political and Economic Science" took place in October of the same year, along with those of the first and second half-yearly terms of medical studies. As was only to be expected, Reichsminister Rust in his speech sedulously avoided any mention of the fact that a Polish university had previously existed at Poznan, out he was eloquent concerning the special tasks of the new German outpost. "New German national forces arise here" (Hier entsteht neues deutsches Volkstum), he declared. After the war the most valuable elements of German youth should come to this university "to put their strength without reserve into the task of developing and consolidating Germanism, which is particularly strong in these parts" ( ... ihre Kraft fuer die hier besonders grossen Aufgaben des Aufbaues und der Festigung deutschen Volkstums vorbehaltlos zur Verfugueng zu stellen). An important share of duties falls to the Agricultural Faculty, "which must play a decisive part in making the Warthegau Germany's granary. "
Dr. Carstens, "Professor of Animal-breeding and Genetics of Domestic Animals," was nominated rector of the Poznan University. The President of the German Academy of Science and Letters (Reiehsakademie der Deutsehen Wissensehaften), Professor Dr. Vahlen, who was present at the opening ceremony, announced to the assembly that the Academy had just made the learned gentleman a corresponding member.
A close connection is to exist between the university at Poznan and the "Reich's Foundation for German Eastern Research" (Reichsstiftung fuer Deutsche Ostforschung), created by Goering as part of the "four-year plan" for the purpose of studying "the Eastern Space" from every angle and with the widest possible scope. The rector of the university at Poznan is to be its head as regards learning, the Reichsstatthalter des Reichsgaues Wartheland ("Reich's Governor-General of the Warta Province of the Reich") is to act as its President.

+ + +

THESE new German achievements must be well known throughout the world, for the Germans write much about them in their periodicals. But the fate of Polish academic schools and universities is not known to all, even in general outline. Polish institutions often receive letters from various countries with enquiries why the new numbers of their publications have failed to arrive, expressing surprise at the fact, and demanding the setting right of presumed oversights in their sending. It even happens that such letters come from ... Germany.

December, 1941.
 
 

Chapter VI
LIBRARIES

THE PAST

LIBRARIES began to be formed in Poland soon after the introduction of Christianity. They are first found in monasteries and episcopal seats-the oldest existing library catalogue in Poland is that of Cracow Cathedral Library, 1106 or 1107 -  later also at the courts of rulers and magnates, in schools, particularly those of higher grade, and then in towns as the property of learned societies. There were also private collectors, many of whom opened their wellstored shelves for public use. Special mention must be made of the Collegii Majoris Library, which has been connected with Cracow University since A.D. 1400, and, among later collections of the kind, of the Zaluski Library, which was both the first public library in Poland (A.D. 1747) and the first national library in Europe. As libraries went in those days it was enormous, possessing some 12,000 manuscripts and over 300,000 printed items.
The work of the Zaluski brothers was continued by the Board of National Education, (A.D. 1773) whose intention it was to bring all the libraries of the country into one homogeneous organization under State care. There now came a period in which the partitioning Powers more or less systematically endeavoured to stamp out all centres of Polish knowledge and learning, and libraries were not spared in the course of this proceeding. The Zaluski library was confiscated and carried off (A.D. 1795), later becoming the nucleus of the great collection of the Imperial Library in St. Petersburg. The Polish nation, however, proved capable of creating and maintaining centres of intellectual life even while politically enslaved. The inheritors of great traditions founded a number of private libraries, intending them to become public and national institutions at a suitable moment. The fruits of such activities are the still extant libraries of the Czartoryski, Ossolinski, Dzialynski, Krasinski, Raczynski, and Zamoyski families, to name only the most important. When new measures of reprisal were taken against Polish libraries after the quelling of the insurrections of 1831 and 1863, collections of Polish books and manuscripts were founded abroad, particularly in Paris and at Rapperswil in Switzerland, these also being destined to become national property after the restoration of independence. Despite all difficulties, therefore, libraries continued to exist, and to serve general and national needs. A no less important task fell to the popular educational libraries which had to battle with adverse economic conditions, often existing only secretly and illegally, and persecuted by the police of the partitioning powers.
After the restoration of political independence the Polish State took libraries under its protection, thus courageously facing a task of intricate but essential national importance.
In the effort to provide a sufficient number of libraries, new institutions were created and old ones adapted to modern needs. The reorganized and newly established schools of academic grade had to be equipped with suitable books. The municipalities, aided by learned societies and professional associations, founded libraries for general use. A network of libraries for the rural population was spread all over the country, though still too sparsely. The difficulties of the economic crisis did not prevent the raising of a number of new library buildings; that of the School of Engineering at Lwow, the School of Commerce in Warsaw, the Krasinski Library, the Public Library of Silesia at Katowice, last of all that of the Cracow University Library of which one may say without exaggeration that it is one of the models of contemporary building of this type. Many old buildings were enlarged and suitably altered, the construction was begun of a Public Library at Lodz and of a Municipal Copernicus Library at Torun, and plans were being laid for the erection of a house to hold the Warsaw National Library which was founded in 1928.
The collections founded abroad were brought home, part of those once confiscated by Russia was returned on the basis of the Treaty of Riga, public libraries received numerous gifts from private collectors. In order to facilitate the development of the chief provincial libraries they were granted equal right with the central National Library to free copies of printed matter appearing in Poland. About twenty per cent. of students' fees at universities were used for the upkeep and enlargement of libraries, while some of them also received regular grants from State, municipal and public funds. Thanks to all this, their resources grew comparatively swiftly and gaps occasioned by the ravages of the first World War and by the preceding lack of political independence were rapidly being filled.
In the matter of popular libraries particularly fruitful work was done by the SOCIETY OF POPULAR READING-ROOMS (Towarzystwo Czytelni Ludowych, T.G.L.), the ELEMENTARY SCHOOL SOCIETY (Towarzystwo Szkoly Ludowej, T.S.L.), and the POLISH SCHOOL SOCIETY (Polska Macierz Szkolna, P.M.S.). The T.C.L. had over 1,500 libraries, with over half a million books and more than a hundred thousand readers in Silesia, Poznania and Polish Pomerania. The T.S.L. was mainly active in the south of the country and had some 1,500 reading rooms, about 500 permanent libraries, and over 2,000 reading centres, with in all some 700,000 books. The P.M.S. had some 400,000 books in about 300 libraries, all in territory once under Tsarist Russia. THE WARSAW MUNICIPAL PUBLIC LIBRARY was the busiest among municipal libraries and at the outbreak of the war had over 250,000 books at its main establishment, six branches, thirty-three lending libraries, sixteen libraries for children, with over 1,265,000 visits and more than 1,700,000 borrowed volumes recorded during its last year of work.

THE PRESENT

DURlNG HOSTILITIES in September 1939 many public and private libraries suffered heavy and in many cases irreparable loss. It is not yet possible to assess the damage done and often not even the number of books destroyed can be estimated. In some libraries catalogues and inventories have suffered destruction, in others they have been carried off by the Germans, and elsewhere no information can be gained because the German authorities have rendered access impossible.
The outbreak of the war found the libraries mostly wholly unprepared, for though the question of safeguarding their collections in such an event had been discussed for some time, the technical and financial difficulties were so great that they had almost proved un surmountable. The extremely swift course of the campaign prevented any widespread action of the kind while hostilities yet lasted. Only provisional safeguarding could be attempted and in some cases even that proved impossible. The Tarnowski Library of Sucha, the Czartoryski Library of Cracow, the Dzialynski Library of Kornik, and the Diocesan Library of Pelplin, transferred their most valuable collections to places in the interior of the country; others packed their greatest treasures in cases and stacked them on the lower floors and in the cellars of their buildings, sometimes also in provisional shelters, such as the old forts in the vicinity of Warsaw where part of the Rapperswil collection was stored, together with the older books of the National Library. All this was useful, but insufficient. In the circumstances the library staffs showed themselves to be the best safeguard, becoming salvaging teams in case of need. Thus, for instance, almost the whole staff and the Director of the Warsaw University Library simply took up their quarters in the building, doing duty day and night, particularly on the roof, and dealing with incentiary bombs regardless of danger. Owing to their prompt courage the Library was saved, although buildings almost touching it were blazing. The Krasinski Library also was splendidly defended, and this was the more remarkable in that only a team of three aged attendants and one administrative official were on the spot at the moment of greatest peril, when a fire began to spread after the building had been hit by three explosive bombs.
Warsaw's libraries suffered most through hostilities and the greatest loss was the destruction of the ZAMOYSKI LIBRARY, by fire during the last days of the siege, together with the adjoining museum and archives. Eighteen rooms were burnt out. They had contained some 11,000 political, literary and economic manuscripts of very great historical worth, and some 70,000 valuable volumes, including a rich collection of historical sources and sets of newspapers and periodicals, also of considerable value.
The PRZEZDZIECKI LIBRARY, with its collection of seventeenth- and eighteenth century Polonica, its large store of prints and drawings by Polish artists of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth century, was entirely destroyed bv fire .
Another very painful losses that of the RAPPERSWIL COLLECTION which had been brought together with so much devotion by Polish political emigres in the nineteenth century and had been transferred to Warsaw in 1927. Its library - some 60,000 volumes with the most complete existing collection of Polish emigre publications - fell a prey to fire almost without exception. Some 800 manuscripts and a great part of the map collection were also burnt.
The CENTRAL MILITARY LIBRARY perished almost wholly by fire and the crashing of a wing of the building. Not only were its books lost (some 250,000 volumes), but also the greater part of the Polish Army archives.
Nothing is left of the LIBRARY OF THE FREE POLISH UNIVERSITY (Wolna Wszechnica) or of its college libraries, about 100,000 volumes in all.
Six department libraries of the UNIVERSITY were destroyed entirely, fifteen others partly, comprising in all some 50,000 volumes of special literature, such as rare periodicals.
In the LIBRARY OF THE ASSOCIATION OF POLISH TECHNICIANS a very carefully kept bibliographical card index of technical literature was wholly destroyed.
In the KRASINSKI LIBRARY three bombs and a number of shells smashed the staircase, the reading-room, and part of the museum quarters.
In the WARSAW SOCIETY OF SCIENCE AND LETTERS, artillery shells wrecked the rooms containing the main part of the library and only some of the books crushed by the debris could be salvaged. The library of the FRENCH INSTITUTE in the same building suffered a like fate.
We have named only the most important losses. To enumerate all the libraries which suffered damage in the course of hostilities would take up too much space, and is furthermore impossible at the moment owing to the difficulty of obtaining reliable information.
DURING the first weeks of GERMAN OCCUPATION libraries seemed to be as it were outside the immediate sphere of interest of the occupying authorities, like the Ministry of Education, which was not "dissolved" until November 26th, 1939, a special Committee of Liquidation (Abwicklungstelle) being left to carry out the decree. The libraries of all those schools, institutions and offices which the Germans closed were, of course, automatically closed too. Meanwhile books in damaged buildings-and there were practically no others in Warsaw-being kept under leaking roofs and behind smashed window-panes, suffered from the inclemency of the weather. The staffs of the Warsaw University Library and National Library continued to work, receiving, of course, no pay, but vigorously concerned to preserve their collections intact; but their efforts proved insufficient. True, the "Committee of Liquidation of the Ministry of Education" obtained for several institutions a document from the Commandant of the City which was to protect them against the requisitioning of their quarters and the depletion or destruction of their collections, but with the advent of the civil administration this lost its validity.

1. Nazi Policy in the " Generalgouvemement "
GERMAN civil administration in the newly formed "Generalgouvernement" took no steps at first to interfere with the existing organization of the libraries. The staff of the National Library carried on its work, although the readingrooms were closed to the public. The University Library building had been occupied by a detachment of the Sicherheitspolizei, but part of the staff were enabled to continue their work in the store-rooms. They profited by this opportunity to shelter the remains of the University department libraries in these store-rooms. The whole winter was spent in carrying over the books. Meanwhile, however, it began to happen more and more frequently that representatives of the German authorities, mostly police, appeared in various institutions to carry off whole libraries or certain parts of them. Rarely was it possible to discover whence and by whose order these requisitions were made; very rarely was any receipt obtainable for books and manuscripts thus seized.
The SEYM AND SENATE LIBRARY must be named foremost among those which were thus treated. It was renowned in Poland for its unique collection of foreign parliamentary publications, laws and international agreements, as well as very important economic, political and social sections. On the 15th and 16th of November, 1939, the essential nucleus of these books was taken away (to Berlin and Breslau, it is said), without any notification to the Director. It consisted of about 38,000 books in over 50,000 volumes, and some 3,500 periodicals in circa 52,000 volumes, and comprised the publication of foreign legislating bodies, official gazetteers, law codes of many countries, compendiums of treaties and diplomatic documents. They were carted away on three lorries with trailers, belonging to the firm of Richard Schultze: "Spediteur, Berlin-Neukoelln." A collection of Polish and foreign newspapers and periodicals, ranging back to the year 1924 and bound in over 5,000 volumes, was first pitched into a damp cellar by the police authorities, and then sent to be pulped. Remains of it could still be seen in February 1941, lying in the snow in the courtyard of the Warsaw Security and Note-printing Works.
The HEBRAIC LIBRARY of the GREAT SYNAGOGUE of Warsaw is said to have been taken to Vienna. It had consisted of a very large and valuable collection of manuscripts and printed matter, some 30,000 volumes in all, referring to Hebraic and related studies, such as the history and literature of the East, history and philosophy of religion, Semitic language studies, and so on.
The whole library of the STATE MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY, including catalogues and inventories, was similarly carried away. The work was carried out by conscripted Jewish labour under the orders of policemen, who were themselves directed by Dr. Ernest Petersen, professor of Rostock University, in the enforced absence of the institution's staff.
The other Warsaw libraries lost only certain special sections in this manner.
Thus, for instance, part of the POLISH FOREIGN OFFICE LIBRARY was carried away, presumably to Berlin. Particularly active in these matters was the special committee created on the basis of the decrees of December 16th, 1939, concerning the confiscation of works of art (Verordnungsblatt des Generalgouverneurs, Nr. 12). Its members were Dr. Joseph Muelhlmann, who specializes in the history of art. and Dr. Karl Kraus, an antique-dealer whose trade had often brought him to Warsaw before the war. Their attention was mainly concentrated on objects possessing artistic value, such as illuminated manuscripts, engravings, drawings: among others they seized from the NATIONAL LIBRARY 116 volumina of parchment manuscripts and a portfolio with 84 original drawings by Aigner, an eminent Polish architect of the late eighteenth century; from the UN1VERSITY LIBRARY its collection of prints and drawings, the bulk consisting of items brought together by Stanislas Augustus, the last King of Poland; and from the KRASINSKI and ZAMOYSKI LIBRARIES a selection of valuable manuscripts. This Committee mostly gave written receipts for the objects confiscated, but other not always identifiable authorities carried on similar activities on their own. Some such hitherto untraced authority, in the winter of 1939, confiscated some fifty illuminated mediaeval manuscripts from the Zamoyski Library, refusing to leave a receipt. And another carried off the most valuable music manuscripts from the Krasinski Library.
The Warsaw District Propaganda Office also depleted the shelves of Polish Libraries by ordering all "anti-German" literature to be delivered up, and further, by forcing the WARSAW MUNICIPAL PUBLIC LIBRARY to segregate and put out of use all publications in French and English. This library, it should be said, is the only one in Warsaw which has not been closed to the public; although its branches and lending libraries were shut down for a time, and the newest wing of the main building has been turned into a German section with a German director and is accessible only to Germans.
Meanwhile the Committee of Liquidation of the Ministry of Education had on February 1st, 1940, closed the National Library, leaving it under the care of an administrative official and two attendants, henceforward salaried. They were members of the old staff which before the war had consisted of fifty-nine officials and seventeen attendants. In March 1940 the Committee created a special post to deal with libraries and museums. The officials appointed to it began, among their other activities, to transport to the National Library's quarters in Rakowiecka Street the books belonging to various schools which the Germans had turned to other, mostly military, use. In May of that year several former librarians of the University Library and the National Library were again taken into employment and entrusted with the task of bringing order into the collections and properly safeguarding them. In the University Library the Director was the first to be recalled, in the National Library the Director was passed over altogether.
In the rest of the" Generalgouvernement" territory libraries were also everywhere closed, either at once, or after a certain space of time. At Siedlce alone the Municipal Library was, by some fluke, permitted to carry on its activities until April 19th, 1941, on which date its store was closed and sealed by the Gestapo. In some cases, certain volumes, the most valuable, were taken away, as they were from the CZARTORYSKI COLLECTION, which before the war had been partly transferred to Sieniawa. The old building of the Cracow University Library was made to house the Institut fuer Deutsche Ostarbeit (Institute for German Work in Eastern Europe), of which we have already spoken and which is devoted to "scientific" anti-Polish activity; the modern building was turned into a storehouse for library and museum property, confiscated in various parts of the "Generalgouvernement" and conveyed to Cracow. The library, as such, was closed and sealed up, nobody of the staff being permitted access, with the exception of the caretaker.
This provisional period lasted until July 1940, when an office entrusted to specialists and entitled Hauptverwaltung der Bibliotheken (Central Directorate for Libraries) was created within the Abteilung fuer Wissenschaft, Erziehung, und Volksbildung (Department of Learning, Education, and Popular Instruction) attached to the administration of the "Generalgouvernement" in Cracow. Dr. Gustav Abb, Director of the Berlin University Library, was put at its head. His first step was the "creation" of two State libraries (Staatsbibliotheken) in Cracow and Warsaw. In Cracow this new establishment is to consist of the University Library proper, joined to the department libraries of the University, and the library of the Polish Academy of Science and Letters, both of which institutions have been closed. The whole is to be placed in the new University Library building. In Warsaw this so-called "State Library" was to have two sections, one based on the" late" University Library, the other on the" late" National Library. German commissioners were placed at the head of these institutions, with Polish librarians to carry out as specialists the work entrusted to them. In Cracow and in "Section I" of the Warsaw library their previous directors were retained to fill these posts: "Section II" in Warsaw was put under an official of the" late" Ministry of Education who had been in charge of library matters there. At Cracow the whole previous staff was engaged to work during the period of transferring everything to the new building, in Warsaw forty-one persons were engaged for each section, mostly also members of the pre-war staff, no term of engagement being fixed. An article by Dr. Abb in the official Krakauer Zeitung of Septemberlst, 1940, made clear what purposes the Hauptvenvaltung in Cracow intended the new institutions to serve. The Cracow Library was to supply the needs of the office of the Governor-General and of the Institut fuer Deutsche Ostarbeit. Section I in Warsaw is to "run a book service within the boundaries of the Generalgouvernement" (exclusively for Germans, of course). Section II is to become a record office of Polish literature in its entirety - its extent being for once recognized by the German authorities. In connexion with this a separate decree of the Governor-General dated September 1st, 1940 (Verordnungsblatt fur das Generalgouvernement, Teil 1., Nr. 55), granted the Warsaw and Cracow libraries an obligatory free copy of all printed matter appearing in the territory of the "Generalgouvernement." Both of them have also received fairly large budgets for administration, purchases, and upkeep.
In Cracow the interior fittings of the new University Library house had first to be completed, as they had not been quite finished at the outbreak of hostilities; then the collections were transferred there and lumped together with those of the Academy of Science and Letters, the University departments, the Academy of Fine Arts, the School of Commerce, and others.
In Warsaw the first move was also to lump together the basic collections of the two" sections" with the University department libraries and with collections of books belonging to various offices and institutions closed by the Germans for example, the Ministry of Education, the Ministries of Interior Affairs and of Social Welfare, the Public Prosecutor's Office, and also part of the libraries of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, the office of the National Culture Fund, the Press Bureau of the Polish Foreign Office, the School of Political Science, the Federation of District Municipalities, the Polish Academy of Letters, the Warsaw Music Society, and numerous secondary schools.
Similar proceedings were also ordered to take place at Lublin, where some 400,000 volumes were brought together by joining the Lopacinski Public Library to that of the Catholic University and its institutes, of the Theological Seminary, the Lublin Museum, the School Curator's office, and the remnants of a number of secondary school libraries. The whole has been styled Staatsbibliothek Lublin. { On January 18th, 1942, the Staatsbibliothek Lublin was solemnly inaugurated (of course, for Germans only).On January 20th, 1942, the Krakauer Zeitung printed an article by a correspondent, stating that the library contains over 400.000 volumes. He goes on to say: “In selecting the new staff, care was taken to engage persons who had not had any training in Polish schools for librarians, so that they might be trained from the very beginning according to new methods, valid in the Reich." A Ukrainian, Dr. Vassyl Kutshabsky, was placed at the head of this institution.
In the second half of May 1941, the organization of a great Staatsbibliothek was undertaken also at Lwow, on the same principles as in Cracow, Warsaw and Lublin. Several hitherto independent libraries were amalgamated, i.e., that of the University, that of the Ossolinski Institute, those of the School of Engineering, the Veterinary College, the Baworowski Foundation, and the Ukrainian Shevtchenko Society. This huge collection, totalling some two million volumes, is to be divided for purposes of administration into three sections (Abteilungen), each with its trained head, two Poles and a Ukrainian. A German named Johannsen is to be in charge of the whole. Krakauer Zeitung, February 12th, 1942.)}
This policy leads to the creation of a few huge collections, possessing a great number of duplicate volumes, concerning which the attitude of the German authorities has not yet been made clear. This uncertainty is even more disquieting than the stoppage of all library activity, the confusion into which these institutions have been plunged for so long, and the damage inflicted on books by mass transport and storing in heaps on temporary premises.
A danger greater still is presented by the methods of the District Propaganda Offices which made it their business to put an end to popular libraries, private Jewish libraries, and certain sections of private commercial lending-libraries (the latter are discussed in more detail in the chapter on Reading). These consist in the destruction or pulping of books. In order to prevent any salvaging of them even in part, each book is torn across and in this state only is it delivered to the pulping-mill. Several truck-loads of" raw material" thus treated were to be found in December 1940 lying in the open in the courtyard of the Warsaw Security and Note-printing Works. It is likewise known that the papermaking firm of Sioda bought several libraries from the Germans for pulp, including that of the Polish Teachers' Association, while the firm of Machowski bought those of the Warsaw State Insurance Institute, the Warsaw Finance Offices and other State offices, also those of several dissolved associations, like that of the political party known as the O.Z.N. which had been in power at the outbreak of the war. In these proceedings the intention to destroy certain sections of Polish cultural achievement is perfectly plain.
It was not until December 1940 that a new central office was formed beside the Hauptverwaltung der Eibliotheken (which deals with historical and scientific libraries), to take charge of popular and educational collections, German, Ukrainian, and Polish-(that is the usual order of precedence for nationality and language in all German decrees). This office likewise forms part of the Abteilung fuer Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung in the GovernorGeneral's office, and it is to take over from the Propaganda Office all  libraries of the above-named type, institute a survey, and create a new network of them throughout the whole "Generalgouvernement."

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WE may here also say a word about the conditions of life in which POLISH LIBRARIANS find themselves in the" Generalgouvernement. " They have been treated in various ways by the German authorities. If a library was closed or confiscated, the staff naturally found themselves out of work. If a library was left unscathed, or at least not closed, the staff for the most part continued to work, though mostly without pay. Only in a few institutions were tiny salaries or monetary help provided, of course, from public, not official, funds. Those who have found employment in the so-called State Libraries of Warsaw, Cracow and Lublin are paid approximately the same sum as in pre-war times, but it must be borne in mind that in the National Library alone (now" Section 1I" of the Warsaw Library) over thirty librarians of the previous staff have not• been re-engaged, the former director being among them. Unemployed librarians, particularly those with families to care for, have found themselves in a most difficult situation and have had to attempt the most unlikely means of earning a living, sometimes by work both hard and unremunerative, such as the street sale of books, salesmanship on commission, and so on. The lucky ones have managed to find some kind of office employment.
The members of the Hauptverwaltung, Dr. Abb and his Warsaw deputy, Dr. Wilhelm Witte, having toured the districts, declared that no library collections would in future be carried away from the "Generalgouvernement" and even promised that they would endeavour to secure the return of those which had already suffered that fate. They themselves, however, forecast that these attempts might meet with a refusal from higher authorities. The fact seems particularly menacing that even after this "promise," that is on October 10th, 1940, a collection of valuable music manuscripts, including all those of Elsner, Chopin's teacher, was taken from the National Library because a Berlin music theorist in Rosenberg's entourage had evinced an interest in them. On the other hand the Library regained possession of all but six of the parchment manuscripts carried off in December 1939, as also of the Aigner portfolio. The removal from Warsaw of the library belonging to the Principal School of Rural Economy was likewise stopped, although it had already been packed for transport in some 300 cases.

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PRIVATE LIBRARIES were left unmolested for a considerable time, except for the previously mentioned plundering of the Krasinski and Zamoyski Libraries. These two even received official documents safeguarding their collections against seizure, and their staff were given papers which were to serve as protection against being pressed to forced labour in Germany. Both these libraries, therefore, hoped to carry on their work in. peace, but further developments in the case of the Krasinski Library were soon to prove that the worth of such documents should not be overrated.
This library is one which has an individual character of its own. It came into being through the collecting activities of the Krasinskis and several related great families in the course of centuries, being further enlarged by a number of other collections, bought, given, or left by will. Its most distinctive feature is the predominance of historical matter, particularly Polish history, and literature, but some other subjects were also well represented. In 1939 it consisted of some 250000 volumes and about 6,000 manuscripts. Since 1914 this library has been housed in a fine and well-fitted building which also contained the family's museum collections. Though private property, it had stood open to students for many years. The Krasinski family have a fine record in the history of Polish literature: Zygmunt Krasinski (1812-59) was one of Poland's greatest poets; the last owner of the library, Count Edward Krasinski, was also a writer and active in social work. At the outbreak of hostilities he was on his estate of Opinogora, situated in territory which was "incorporated in the Reich" by the Fuehrer's decree of October 1939. The local German authorities showed some regard for the member of a family which is in fact closely related to the reigning Italian house, and they did not deport him as they did the majority of other Polish landowners in this part of the country. But they interned him at his residence and took over the administration of the estate. Count Edward, however, did not prove a docile prisoner and one day remonstrated very sharply against an injustice inflicted on one of his servants. Thereupon he was sent to the concentration camp at Dachau, where he shortly died at the age of seventy-one (December 1940). The Warsaw authorities immediately entered into negotiations with his heirs, but failing to arrive at any satisfactory agreement handed over the Krasinski Library and Museum to the management of the Warsaw State Library. The Commissioner, Dr. Witte, on May 12th, 1941, announced the transference of the Krasinski Collections to the institution managed by him, and at the same time gave orders as to the disposal of the library building. The volunteer staff hitherto working in the library was now denied entrance.
These orders are a consequence of the change introduced into the organization of the Warsaw Staatsbibliothek. It has been decided that it is to consist not of two, but three sections: Section I is to be a library of general scientific and historical knowledge, Section Il an archive of books in Polish or concerning Poland from 1821 onwards, Section III to comprise" Special Collections "that is, (a) old books and Polish books up to 1866; (b) manuscripts; (c) graphic art; (d) maps; (e) music and theatrical art; (I) gramophone records. The building of the Krasinski Library has been fixed upon for housing this "Section Ill" ; "Section I" is to remain in the University Library building; "Section Il" in the quarters hitherto occupied by the National Library. In all three of them, collections are being segregated and grouped according to new principles .. All nineteenth and twentieth-century books and periodicals in Polish or dealing with Polish matters must be transferred from the University Library to the National Library, all books on other subjects from the National Library to the University Library; all books possessed by both of them and falling under the head of" special collections " as enumerated above, are to go to the Krasmski Library. The collection of the latter is treated in accordance with the same principles. It has been formally acknowledged that it is private property and Dr. Witte's announcement of May 12th, 1941, declares that "the Krasinski Library collection, as such, must remain intact, " but in practice this only means that duplicate copies from this collection are not regarded as such and that the Krasinski books are to be placed in separate groups in their different sections: for the rest they are treated exactly like those of the National Library and the University Library. The librarians are instructed not to differentiate, even where the supplementing of gaps in sets of periodicals is concerned (vide the instructions issued on August 7th, 1941).
The work of disintegration-removing cards from catalogues, taking out books from storerooms, transport, and so on-was begun at once and Dr. Witte's circulars continually urge haste in the matter, but it will need many years to complete it, since the University Library had some 810,000 volumes before the war, the National Library some 490,000, the Krasinski Library some 250,000, and these numbers have been further swelled by the numerous libraries" annexed," of which we have previously spoken and which amounted to some 260,000 volumes; to this are added manuscripts, maps, prints, music, and so on. Nearly everyone of these libraries possessed card indexes of different size, with titles filed according to differing principles, and with individual numbering. So that even if the most elementary rules of library work are disregarded in the desire for haste, the term cannot be much shortened. (Dr. Witte's instruction of May 12th, 1941, for instance, states' 'The delivery and receipt of periodicals is not recorded by protocol," the same applies to the catalogue cards of these periodicals; there is also to be no detailed protocol of the division of the Krasinski collections-" owing to the lack of time.") The biggest Warsaw libraries have thus to be condemned to a state of lingering confusion; nowhere are catalogues complete, nowhere are the books in their proper places; everywhere there is a multitude of strange books, with strange signatures, placed haphazard, and a great heap of strange index cards that cannot be filed among the old ones. Lorries continually circulate between the individual library buildings; librarians are busy packing, attendants opening, closing, transferring cases. No serious library work, not even of a purely administrative character, is possible under such conditions, and indeed the circulars of the Commissioner expressly demand that the greater part of library business give place to the work of packing and transferring. What is the purpose of these activities, initiated on so huge a scale? Why waste so much time and energy to bring books that had been well ordered and properly catalogued, into another building, some streets away, where they will have to wait long for rational cataloguing and placing? The solution to this riddle is probably on these lines.
The Commissioner, a trained librarian, considers this work important because he must show large-scale results to official and party authorities. (His instruction of May 27th, 1941, lays down how many volumes of the inventory and how many boxes of the card index must be gone through in a stated time.) It is easier to produce imposing figures with the help of packing-cases and lorries than with mere pens and typewriters. As for the official and party authorities, these figures please them not only because they are high, but also because they testify to achievements in a definite direction, in a policy of turning the great Polish institutes with their individual character and living traditions into mere empty buildings and formless masses of books from which, under Germann orders, there will be shaped something new, inherently different, not only serving German needs but bearing a distinctive German stamp. The spirit of the German regime also demands that this stamp should be imprinted at once and indelibly ... and that it should erase all marks of previous history. So the representative of "the nation of librarians," the "specialist" Dr. Witte, issues a circular (August 7th, 1941) which not only enjoins that every book transferred from one" Section" to another (with the exception of those belonging to the Krasinski collection) is to be marked with a new stamp, bearing a German inscription, the swastika and the German eagle, but also orders the erasure of previous markings by means of a special rubber stamp. This barbaric proceeding, the like of which can scarcely be found in the annals of librarianship, is to be applied even to old books and manuscripts!
The reorganization of the Cracow libraries, by this time far advanced, fulfils a similar purpose. The new building of. the University Library having been completed, its books brought over from the old building and added to those of the Academy of Science and Letters, Academy of Fine Arts, the Cracow School of Commerce, the department libraries of the closed University, and others, a solemn inauguration of the new institution entitled Staatsbibliothek Krakau was staged on April 4th, 1941. This ceremony was graced not only by the presence of official and party dignitaries, but also by that of eminent representatives of German learning and librarianship, like Professor Dr. Kraus, Director-in-Chief of the Berlin State Library; Professor Dr. Vahlen, President of the Reichsakademie der Wissensehaften in Berlin (Reich's Academy of Science and Letters) ; Dr. Buttman, Director of the Munich State Library; Dr. Heigl, Director of the Vienna State Library; Professor Dr. Leyh, Director of the University Library of Tuebingen ; there was, of course, not a single Pole present. The ceremony is commemorated by a special publication: Staatsbibliothek Krakau : Feierliche Eroeffnung dureh den Herrn Generalgouverneur Reiehsminister Dr. Frank am 4 April, 1941. ("Cracow State Library: Solemn Inauguration by the Governor-General, Dr. Frank, Minister of the Reich, on April 4th, 1941." 25 pages, quarto.)
This publication contains the speeches pronounced by Dr. Frank, Director Abb and Dr. Watzke, the last-named of whom inaugurated the ceremony in his capacity of Leiter der Hauptabteilung fuer Wissensehaft und Unterricht (Head of the Central Department of Learning and Education) in the administration of the “Generalgouvernement“. Dr. Abb gave a fairly impartial account of the history of the collections from the fifteenth century onwards, stressed their richness and individual character, reminded his hearers that they had formed the main base of Karol and Stanislaw Estreicher's Polish Bibliography in thirty four volumes, "the first national bibliography in Europe." But he forgot to mention that Professor Stanislaw Estreicher, one of the most prominent Polish scholars, died in a German concentration camp. Dr. Abb admitted that the building erected by previous Polish directors is ,.one of the most modern library buildings of the continent" (though he could not bring himself to name the Polish architect) - all this, however, was generously spiced with a melancholy criticism of Polish cultural development in general. He asserted, for instance, that although the Poles began early to collect books, yet they never created "a library organization of individual character" ; that, though they did not lack good ideas (that, for instance, which inspired the National Library of 1928), the execution was not of the best; that though they possessed many books, the bulk of the Cracow University Library consisted of works in foreign languages, and so on, and so on. Against this background of sombre melancholy, German influence and contribution glow the more brightly, and Dr. Abb was at pains to enumerate a long list of examples, beginning with mediaeval university professors and the first printers, ending with modern German periodicals which were widely read in Cracow. Even the excellence of the new building was explained by the fact that at the time of its planning "a Polish committee visited the proper centres in Germany" and “German specialist literature on the subject was also exhaustively consulted." These preliminary historical remarks were followed by a declaration of the new Staatsbibliothek's programmes and aims, aims as exclusively German as the institution's title. In the first place it is to supply the needs of the Institut fur Deutsehe Ostarbeit: next, it must be suited to the interests of a different set of readers. In the main it is to become the official apparatus of the "Generalgouvernement" and its district administration, the army and the Press. In fulfilling these tasks the library is to become Ein neues Bollwerk deutscher Geistesarbeit ... das fuer alle Zeiten der Vertiefung deutschen Forschens und Schaffens dienen soll  - which means, "a new bastion of the German spirit . . . for ever to serve the increase of German research and creativeness. "
Both Dr. Abb and President Watzke here and there used expressions savouring of a somewhat indefinite idealism: Dr. Abb mentioned the numerous persons "athirst for knowledge" whose studies would be facilitated by the library, whilst Dr. Watzke announced: "Every intellectually interested person, every research worker 'and every aspiring spirit will be welcome in these halls" ! Does this refer to Poles, too? All doubt is dispelled by Dr. Frank, the Governor-General, whose speech is naturally more of a political document than the other two. According to Dr. Frank the opening of the library bears the same symbolical significance as the placing of German garrisons throughout Polish territory:
And if the garrisons symbolize the Fuehrer's will that this land should for ever remain under German domination, if the Fuehrer's ruling principle is here carried out, by which this territory is no longer to be treated as occupied, but as a part, an annexe of the Reich, then also will its cultural leadership, the spiritual breath, as it were, that infuses the country, belong to the Germans. From that hour onwards whatever is not German in this space is alien to it.- (Von dieser Stunde all wird das Nichtdeutsche im Raum auch das Raumfremde.)
That is clear, explicit, and sincere. Whatever is not German is to be treated as alien in this "space," that is, in Poland. The Governor-General also expressly brushed aside all possible suggestion that he is continuing any Polish work, thereby apparently wishing to dispel the impression made by the somewhat old-fashioned humanitarianism of Dr. Abb who had ventured to mention the Polish staff and their loyal collaboration with the German management in .,. transporting the collections.
. . . it is clear that we do not think of ourselves as continuers of Polish library work.
In spite of that we have collected values from that field also; we have sifted everything, and we have once again proved the unique spirit of culture that suffuses German activity. (Wie einzigartig kulturerfuellt das Wirkell der Deutschen ist.)
Dr. Frank's following remarks throw an even more characteristic light on the matter, for we see that the Cracow ceremony symbolizes Germany's mission not only in the" space" of Poland, but . . . throughout the European continent. They mean:
That this ancient continent will now at last begin to build up in its space, for the good of the peoples, a common law and organization finally to enable the continent to develop spiritually without hindrance by senseless armed strife. Here and in this hour we feel that, from this common impulse of the European continent German leadership rises to the ruling position.
(Dass sich dieser alte Kontinent nun endlich einmal anschzicken wird, eine Gemeinschaftsgesetzlichkeit zum Vorteil der Volkstuemer in diesem Raum aufzubauen, die endlich einmar Kontinent die geistige Fortentwicklung ungestoert durch sinnlose kriegerische Auseinandersetzungen ermoglicht. Dass aus diesem Gemeinschaftsimpuls des europaeischen Kontinents nun die deutsche Fuehrung leitend emporsteigt, das spueren wir in diesem Raum und in dieser Stunde.)
The European continent as a whole may therefore look forward to a prospect which the example of Poland rather underlines. It is these prospects which led Dr. Frank to declare in the very first sentence of his speech that the opening of the Cracow Staatsbibliothek was "one of the proudest demonstrations of German strength." In this feeling of national pride he also gave himself the pleasure of contrasting his role with that of . . . the governors of British colonies.
Not, as an English governor would, do we here open stock exchanges, markets, commercial undertakings, opium dens, centres of demoralization of all kinds, we do not open them here {In pronouncing these words Dr. Frank conveniently forgot that the Germans have opened a gaming establishment in Warsaw and organized lotteries throughout the entire “Generalgouvernement"}
because we Germans simply cannot live without this ideal greatness of the spirit, but we open libraries.

2. Nazi Policy in "Territories Incorporated in the Reich"

This trumpet-blast at the "opening" of an institution which was, in sober fact, opened four hundred and forty years ago, has up to now been the most resounding episode in the history of libraries in the" Generalgouvernement.”
The fate of libraries in the territories "incorporated in the Reich" was settled with far less noise, but has been very much more grim. No detailed information is available, owing to the fact that the Polish intelligentsia have almost all been deported from those parts of the country and Poles from the ,.Generalgouvernement" find it as good as impossible to visit these provinces. But even the fragmentary news which has filtered through and which can be checked, show by comparison that the German authorities have there instituted a campaign of destruction on a stupendous scale. All the TCL (Society of Popular Reading-rooms) centres and branches have been destroyed by means of tearing up and burning their books, this being accomplished mainly by the Hitlerjugend, whose members were specially called upon for this purpose by the Gauleiter Greiser. School libraries were also destroyed: we know, for instance, that at Wloclawek their books were thrown out of the windows into the courtyards where all and sundry could take what they liked for any purpose whatever. Some others were carried away and incorporated in German collections; for instance, the Krakauer Zeitung of August 28th, 1941, announces that 8,000 volumes from the secondary school library at Suwalki now form part of the Staats- und "Universitaetsbibliothek of Koenigsberg.
One cannot with any degree of accuracy ascertain the fate of COUNTRY-HOUSE LIBRARIES which were particularly numerous and valuable in Poznania. One must assume that at least a great part of them have suffered destruction. It is at any rate certain that here also the members of the Hitlerjugend were active. They are trained to such work. The publication commemorating the opening of the Cracow Staatsbibliothek, from which we have quoted above, contains photographs which show two detachments of Hitlerjugend listening to Dr. Frank's speech, in the ranks of which are boys of twelve, or at most thirteen. One can imagine the effect on them of such sentences as the following, pronounced by the Governor-General: "The Fuehrer gave us this space for a gift, now he gives it to us as a task and a mission." And the Gauleiters of the territories "incorporated in the Reich" speak a language by the side of which Dr. Frank's may still be considered elegant and restrained.
Many PRIVATE LIBRARIES in towns were also destroyed, for their deported owners were neither permitted nor able to take them away, and the Germans who took over their dwellings were forbidden to keep any Polish books. Some private book-collections were simply burnt, like those belonging to the professors of the Plock seminary. At Poznan a great "Book Assembly Centre" (Buchsammelstelle) was organized in the church of St. Michael, specially deconsecrated for the purpose of receiving books from Polish private libraries. It is estimated that some two million volumes were deposited here, including the confiscated libraries of the professors of the Poznan University. To use the words of the official Krakauer Zeitung's correspondent (March 1st, 1941), it is a "hitherto unprecedented institution," "arising from the particular conditions of the province," one which permits (the Nazi pen here achieves for the German language a triumph of . . . let us call it euphemism) "the securing and safe- guarding of books and other literary material formerly constituting Polish property." There is no need to add anything to these words, save perhaps to point out that" safeguarding" in this case bears the same meaning as it does in the phrase" safeguarding the neutrality" when applied to Norway or Holland. Another sentence from this correspondent confirms information from other sources, for he says that thanks to the creation of the Buchsammelstelle: " ... great treasures have been saved from dispersal or destruction." Not only many private libraries were cast into this melting-pot, but also considerable parts of the valuable library collections of the Poznan Society of Science and Letters (some 110,000 volumes), the Diocesan Library of Poznan (some 100,000 volumes) the Seminary Library of Gniezno (some 30,000 volumes), the Chapter Library of Gniezno (some 9,000 volumes), the Chapter Library of Wlodawek, and others. At the Buchsammelstelle they are sorted and some of them are sent to various institutions and offices, others sold to paper-mills for pulp.
The correspondent of the Krakauer Zeitung further informs his readers that the collection of the Poznan University Library, now turned into the Staats-und Universitaetsbibliothek Posen, is to receive from the Buchsammelstelle books which will raise the number of its volumes from 600,000 to more than a million. We know that it is this library which has received the most valuable property of the Gniezno and Wloclawek collections, after part of them had been destroyed on the spot. A special closed library (eine Verschlussbuecherei) is to contain all Polish books-these will be accessible only to specialists, for in the collections open to a wider public, Polish books have been treated on the principle of the ghetto. This has been done for instance at the Silesian Public Library of Katowice (its Polonica are said to have been sent to Breslau). The library of the Silesian Institute of Katowice has been confiscated in its entirety and carried away to a destination unknown. The library of the Roman Catholic Seminary at Plock (re-christened Schroettersburg by the Germans) has been taken to Koenigsberg. The correspondent of the Krakauer Zeitung records this fact in a manner which must probably be treated as a classic example of "Teutonic simplicity." He says: "The survey and putting in order of libraries in South-east Prussia has brought 50,000 volumes of a theological library from Schroettersburg ... to the Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek at Koenigsberg. " The management of the Koenigsberg library hastened to advertise the fact that the collection thus acquired contains over three hundred incunabula printed before A.D. 1500 and about a hundred twelfth and thirteenth-century manuscripts. The latter include a manuscript Bible dating back to the beginnings of the twelfth century, which is alleged to have been only now discovered (by the Germans) and has been christened "the oldest Bible of Eastern Germany. " As a matter of fact, the manuscript was both known and fully described by Polish scholars.
As we see, some of the libraries in territory "incorporated in the Reich" have been confiscated and divided up (beschlagnahmt und aufgeteilt), this proceeding often bringing about the destruction of a great part of the collections in question and the carrying away of the rest; others have remained in existence and carry on work, but have been turned into purely German institutions designed to serve exclusively German interests. The Polish staff have everywhere been entirely superseded by Germans, some of whom are not even trained men. The dismissed Polish librarians were sent to prisons and concentration camps, to be later deprived of their possessions and forcibly deported without any means of subsistence.

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The policy of destroying Polish libraries is not limited by the Germans to Polish territory. There existed in Paris, at No. 6, Quai d 'Orleans, a Polish Library (Biblioteka Polska) with a century-old tradition, which had of late been linked up with a research station at the Polish Academy of Science and Letters and with a Mickiewicz Museum. It possessed some 135,000 volumes, about 10,000 prints and drawings, some 1,000 catalogue numbers of manuscripts which contained valuable matter, particularly for students of Polish political emigration in the nineteenth century. It also had an excellent selection of books for the use of foreign scholars engaged in studying Polish affairs. The whole of this library Hitler is said to have presented as a gift to Rosenberg, including the shelves. Even in Paris every trace of Poland is to be erased.
August, 1941.

Chapter VII

ARCHIVES

THE PAST

THE archives of Poland have a tradition that reaches back for several hundred years, since the Crown archives of the ancient Commonwealth came into being in the fourteenth century. The foundation was laid with a collection of documents from the Royal Chancery which were kept in the Castle treasury of Cracow. Their richest period falls in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries and towards the end of the reign of Sigismund Augustus (1572), by which time they contained some three thousand parchment deeds. By order of Sigismund Augustus, his secretary, Martin Kromer, put the archives in order and compiled the first inventory. The Seym of 1563-64 enacted that henceforward an inventory of "privileges and Crown letters" should be made every time that a new Treasurer took over office. To this enactment we owe the "Zamoyski Inventory" of 1572, so called because John Zamoyski, later Hetman and Chancellor, had a considerable share in the work.
How great was the interest which the enlightened part of the community took in the documents of the Crown archives is proved by the setting up of a special abstract of the most important deeds, the so-called Acta Tomiciana, of which many copies were made throughout the country for a number of eminent personages, the king at their head.
Parallel with the development of the Crown archives as a collection of separate documents, there came into existence the State archives of the Royal Chancery. These consisted of the records of the Chancellor's Office, the so-called" Crown Records" (Metryka Koronna) and the “Lithuanian Records" - namely, those of the Chancellor for Lithuania. The oldest existing Crown Record roll is that of 1447.
The Seym of 1764 enacted that the archives existing in the Royal castles of Cracow and Warsaw should be put together, under the name of Archivum Generale Regni.
The court archives of the ancient Commonwealth have an equally venerable tradition.
The rolls of town and county courts (the oldest dating back to the end of the fourteenth century) have been preserved in such numbers and such comparative completeness that they bear witness to the efficacy of enactments by the State and provincial Diets of the sixteenth to the seventeenth century, which aimed at ensuring a proper preservation of court records.
The great aristocratic families also showed considerable interest in documents and papers, so that private family archives came into being at an early date, resulting in such collections as the Nieswiez Archives of the Radziwills, existing since the beginnings of the sixteenth century, or the Zamoyski Archives which also date back to the sixteenth century.
The collectors' spirit which was so much in evidence in Western Europe during the eighteenth century had its counterpart in Poland and gave rise to a number of private collections which in time became centres of important historical research work. Such were the archives of the Czartoryski Library at Cracow, the Dzialynski Library of Kornik, the Krasinski Library in Warsaw.
At the end of the eighteenth century the political catastrophe of the partitions of Poland broke off further developments in this field. The largest and most valuable collection of archives of the Commonwealth, the Crown archives, the Crown Records and the Lithuanian Records, were in 1795 carried away to St. Petersburg and then divided between Russia and Prussia. That part of the Crown archives which was taken to Berlin shortly returned to Warsaw and was placed in the Central archives created in 1808 by the government of the Duchy of Warsaw, but the rest remained in Russia.
There followed a period during which no Polish State documents could flow into the archives, except during those short spells of relative independence accorded to a part of Poland's territory between 1807 and 1815 under the name of the Duchy of Warsaw, or between 1815 and 1831 under that of a Kingdom of Poland, when the country was united to Russia, but possessed its own constitution and Seym. Up to the moment of the State's resurrection in 1918 only the archives of alien administration grew on Polish soil. Thus arose the records of the Russian provincial government offices in Warsaw and Wilno, the Prussian ones at Poznan and Danzig, the Austrian at Lwow.
The restored Polish State had at least three tasks to perform in the matter of its documents.
Firstly, to regain the archives of the ancient Commonwealth which were in foreign hands; secondly, to take over the archives and documents of the partitioning Powers' administration in Polish territory; thirdly, to preserve suitably the documents resulting from the activity of the newly created Polish State offices.
The law of February 7th, 1919, entrusted these tasks to the archives service, a special separate branch of State administration subject to the Ministry of Education. There were sixteen collections of State archives, of which five, including the Central Archives, were in Warsaw, the rest in provincial centres. Of these provincial State archives, those of Poznan, Lwow and Wilno stood out by reason of their bulk and were important not only for administrative and business interests, but also for historical research. Special agreements were concluded with the former partitioning Powers, by which Poland was enabled to regain-more particularly from Soviet Russia - a large part of the Commonwealth documents still in their hands, and to obtain from their central authorities the documents relating to the administration of annexed Polish territory.
In the twenty years of its existence the State archives service devoted its attention mainly to bringing proper order into the collections and setting up inventories, catalogues and indices which rendered their use possible for purposes of practical life and of study.
Since 1927 the Department of States Archives has been publishing a special archivist periodical, the Archeion, the last number of which (the sixteenth) appeared in 1939.

THE PRESENT

THE general measures taken before the war to evacuate State property from territories imperilled by HOSTILITIES, provided for the removal of State archives so far as means of transport were available. These were, however, inadequate, and so only the most valuable documents were taken to places of reasonable safety; other records and deeds were moved to cellars and shelters: for the protection of the remainder specially instructed anti-aircraft and firefighting services were organized .
The State archives of Warsaw were in the gravest danger during the siege with its three weeks of bombing and shelling, and it is in Warsaw alone that archives suffered any damage as a direct consequence of hostilities.
On September 25th the ARCHIVES OF PUBLIC EDUCATION were wholly destroyed by fire, together with the university building which housed them and which could not be saved despite a numerous and well-organized fire-fighting service. This resulted in the destruction of all documents relating to the activities of the central educational authorities of the Duchy of Warsaw and of the so-called Congress Kingdom of Poland (1815-31) and of the documents of all academic schools and some secondary schools in Warsaw and in the provinces, from the end of the eighteenth century up to the first Great War. Some 100,000 volumina were destroyed. It is a serious loss for Polish historical science, for these documents were mostly without duplicates in other collections and only a part of them had been studied by specialists during the twenty years of restored independence.
The TREASURY ARCHIVES lost about a third of their collection, some 120,000 volumes, and all their inventories. That also is a serious loss for students of economic and social development, since it robs this branch of historical research of all documentary evidence concerning conditions in the "Russian" provinces during the nineteenth century.
The other Warsaw State archives and the provincial State archives suffered no loss due immediately to hostilities, but the records of many Warsaw offices were destroyed entirely or in part-as, for example, those of the Ministry of Finance (burnt down completely with all its offices), the Ministry of War and the Inspectorate General of the Army (the buildings of which were also destroyed with all they contained, including such documents as had not been removed), of the Ministry of Agriculture and Agrarian Reform (burnt out completely), of the Ministry of Home Affairs (more particularly the Minister's Office and the Polonica Department), of the Central Bureau of Statistics (which lost all the data of the general censuses of populations), of two departments of the Public Prosecutor's Office, of the Warsaw County Court, the University, the State Administration Office for Warsaw (Komisariat Rzadu na m. st. Warszawe) and the General Mutual Insurance Institute.
The Warsaw Land Credit Society also lost the greater part of its records, but the gravest injuries to private archives in consequence of hostilities are the burning of the economic archives of the Zamoyskis, together with part of the Zamoyski Library, and the destruction of the greater part of the collection of archives belonging to the Przezdziecki Library.

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Ravages caused by hostilities were soon followed by ravages due to PLUNDERING and the DESTRUCTIVE BEHAVIOUR of German soldiers and officers occupying the Government buildings still remaining in Warsaw. Books, documents, card-indices, were either burnt or pitched on to the floor from shelves and cupboards; at best they were piled in disorderly heaps in corridors, cellars, or premises specially turned into lumber-rooms. A battalion of Army police, quartered in the undestroyed university buildings, must be awarded the palm for malicious destruction, though perhaps they share it with the Gestapo, who, on occupying the building of the Ministry of Education, heaped up the whole of the perfectly preserved and undisturbed Ministry records pell-mell in a few rooms, to all intents and purposes consigning them to the wastepaper basket. In other towns the German army and administration behaved in the same fashion. This is attested to by Dr. E. Randt, head of the Archive Management of the "Generalgouvernement," which was created somewhat later. He is assuredly a witness who cannot be accused of partiality towards the Poles, but his article Die Archive des Generalgouvernements, printed in the quarterly Die Burg (1941, Jahrgang n, Heft 1, pp. 25 to 55), expresses regret that a year or more will be needed to put the documents of the Polish administrative offices in order so that they can become useful, since no heed was taken to keep them in order when the premises of Government institutions were taken over.
Dr. Randt, Director of the Breslau State Archives, took over the State archives of the "Generalgouvernement " as representative of the German archives service, as early as October 1939. The State archives of Warsaw, Lublin, and Cracow were made accessible again and Dr. Randt instructed the Polish staff to undertake their classification and indexing, to safeguard the stores, and restore the pre-war position of the documents. The archives of Radom, Kielce and Piotrkow remained closed for the time being. Private individuals were everywhere forbidden to use archives and could get no access to them.

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In December 1939 the "MANAGEMENT OF ARCHIVES OF THE GENERALGOUVERNEMENT OFFICE" (Archivverwaltung beim Amt des Generalgouvernements) was formally constituted and the majority of the former archive staff were officially re-employed. The Polish Department of State Archives was dissolved, so that the archives staff, including directors, remain Polish, whereas the administration is purely German. It consists of a central office at Cracow and four archives' offices attached to the District Chiefs' Offices. Apart from its task of controlling the State archives the Archivverwaltung is to extend its care (in the widest sense of the word, including right of seizure) to all archives and archive material in the "Generalgouvernement," municipal, ecclesiastic, and private. In town archives the nomination of directors and staff, even the plans of internal activity, are subject to the approval of the Archivvenvaltung. Another equally important task of this office and its executives is the careful incorporation in the archives of records belonging to the Polish authorities. These are to be put in such order that they may be used by the occupying administration for executive and special purposes. These special purposes may be described under three headings: (1) to determine and extract from Poland's archives all that in consequence of its origin is to be returned or handed over to German State archives; (2) to extract from Polish archives and official records documentary materials for the history of the German element in Poland and its cultural achievements; also to supply the proper circles in the Reich with evidence of the" oppression and persecution of Germans" from 1918 to 1939; (3) to single out from official records and archives all those documents referring to territory "incorporated in the Reich " in order that they may be handed over to the proper Reich authorities.
Within the limits of the plan of work thus defined and after eighteen months of occupation certain results of the Archivvenvaltung's activity may already be seen, as also clearly formed tendencies for the near future, in regard to Polish State archives and Government records. Among these we must in the first place count the seizure of archive material. The first acts of plunder took place at the end of 1939 and were the work of military archivist circles, for the representatives of the German civil archives' administration played a more or less passive part. Two important collections of archives were taken to Germany, the first containing documents of the Austrian and German occupation authorities in Poland, in 1914-18, comprising the Warsaw and the Lublin Generalgouvernement records of that time, which had been stored in the Archives of Modern Documents in Warsaw, as well as the whole of the Military Archives which had contained all the documents relating to Polish military formations during the Great War, those concerning the Polish-Russian war of 1918-20, and the military records of the first years of restored independence. All the materials seized by the military authorities were sent to the Army Archives (Heeresarchiv) at Potsdam, as is proved by the previously mentioned article of Dr. Randt (Die Burg, p. 26).
The second large collection of documents to be seized from Warsaw comprised the Prussian administration records for 1796-1807 stored among the Central Archives. The Treaty of Tilsit had stipulated that they should be handed over to the Government of the Duchy of Warsaw, since they referred to Polish territory taken from Prussia by the 1806-07 campaign and formed into this independent political entity. The German Archives' Management sought to substantiate Berlin's claim to have these documents returned on account of their origin, that is to say by the fact of their being Prussian records, notwithstanding the fact that they concern Polish territories and were ceded to the Duchy of Warsaw by an international agreement bearing the signature of the King of Prussia. The same principle was applied to the Galician documents of the Austrian central authorities, which had been handed over to Poland by an Austro-Polish archive agreement in 1932. They were seized from the Archives of Modern Documents and sent to Vienna in three railway cars (vide Die Burg, p. 27).
The Archivvenvaltung's next step in the same direction was to seize much older documents belonging to Polish State archives, like the set of parchment deeds belonging to the Central Archives and originally kept in the archives of the Teutonic Order, whence they passed to the Polish Crown together with the provinces restored to Poland by the Treaty of Torun in 1467. This robbery of several score parchment deeds from the Central Archives Dr. Randt's article modestly passes over in silence, but it is nevertheless confirmed indirectly by an illustration (pp. 32-33) showing one of them, the grant of the Chelmno (Kulm) province to the Order by Conrad of Masovia, dated 1228. There is an annotation "Orig. Parchm. from the Warsaw Central Archives, now in the State Archives at Koenigsberg."  (See Plate 6).
For the moment that seems to be the end of German pretensions to Polish State Archive property in Warsaw, the Military Archives being “war booty." As for the seizure of ancient Polish court rolls of the Oswiecim and Zator districts from the Cracow State Archives - that is a preliminary step in a new operation entitled Aktenauseinandersetzung. This is to consist of a division of material for archives and records according to whether it refers to "Generalgouvernement" territory or to territory" incorporated in the Reich." Documents to do with the latter are to be handed over to German archives and offices, as expressly stated in Dr. Randt's article. For the present, preparation and preliminary study is in progress. It is hard to foresee now how far this division, or rather dispersal, of archives and records is to go, but there is no precedent in history for carrying out such an operation before a termination of the state of war, nor can any justification be found for such a proceeding either in administrative necessity or in the principles of archivist theory.

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In territory "INCORPORATED IN THE REICH " archives fell under direct German management. This was the lot of the State Archives at Poznal1, their branch establishment at Bydgoszcz, and the State Archives of Plock. At Poznan part of the pre-war staff were temporarily retained: nothing is known of any changes in the archive material here, except for the fact that a number of provincial archives have been transferred to Poznan, the most valuable of these being the Archidiocesan Archives of Gniezno. The State Archives of Plock have been handed over in their entirety to the German State Archives of Koenigsberg.

August, 1941.
 
 

Chapter IX

BUILDINGS AND MONUMENTS

THE PAST

THE oldest monuments of stone and brick architecture in Poland date from the time when Christianity was introduced and spread throughout the country-that is to say, from the end of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century. Very few of them have survived except in the shape of chapels in ducal residences and fragments of larger ecclesiastical buildings. Poland was a land rich in forests, and wood was the material commonly used for both secular and church architecture. This tradition has never died out, especially in the countryside, and the wooden cottages and larch-wood churches so numerous in Silesia and on the Carpathian glacis are to this day a characteristic feature of the Polish landscape.
Monumental architecture in the Romanesque style flourished in the twelfth century, testifying to the general cultural development of the country, the liveliness of which may still be seen from the buildings which have survived either in their original form, or altered by subsequent generations. There are the cathedrals of Gniezno, Cracow, Plock, Breslau (founded by the Polish Piast dynasty), the monasteries-mainly Benedictine and Cistercian - at Tyniec, Czerwinsk, Turn near Leczyca, Lad, Sulejow, Oliwa near Danzig, Wachock, Jedrzejow. Strzelno, Trzemeszno. Poland was, even at that time, a bastion of Latin culture, and her architecture reflected the great currents of art in Western Europe, not only those of her nearest neighbours, but also those of France and Belgium, countries with which many Polish religious houses were in close contact.
The influence of Gothic architecture penetrated to Poland during the first half of the thirteenth century; in the fourteenth a great number of buildings in the new style, both secular and ecclesiastical, arose all over the country. Monumental Gothic architecture reached the peak of its development in Poland during the fifteenth century. Cracow was at that time Poland's greatest art centre, and it is to this day one of those towns in Central and Northern Europe which, like Nuremberg or Oxford, seem steeped for ever in mediaeval atmosphere. The Gothic walls of the Royal Castle and of the cathedral, the churches of Our Lady, of the Friars Minor, the Dominicans, the Augustinians, the town-hall tower and the city fortifications, all bear witness to a strong and fertile instinct for creation. And the building of the University is, of course, an eloquent proof of Polish solicitude for learning.
After the incorporation of Lwow and the union with Lithuania, Poland had two tasks to fulfil. The first was to Christianize the latter country, the second to bring wide stretches of eastern territory under the influence of Western civilization. The Gothic architecture of Wilno, Kaunas and Lwow, and many churches and castles elsewhere, show how Poland endeavoured to carry out this mission. The eastern boundary-line of Gothic architecture established at that time may also be considered over a long period as the boundary of Western cultural influence in general.
Towards the end of the Middle Ages another duty devolved upon Poland: after two hundred years of occupation by the Teutonic Order, Polish Pomerania and Danzig were at last restored to her, and with sympathy and wisdom she created conditions needful for the further growth of an architectural development initiated under the rule of the German knights.
The two centuries between the middle of the fifteenth and that of the seventeenth centuries form the period of Poland's greatest power as a State. Peace and prosperity, enhanced by religious and cultural tolerance, attracted foreigners from all lands, who found a hospitable reception and the possibility of work. By the thirteenth century considerable numbers of Germans and Jews had already settled in the country, now others followed-Italians, Dutchmen, Scots, Armenians. Among these newcomers, particularly among the Italians, were many artists who were very apt to remain in Poland for good, to marry Poles and found families which in time were completely assimilated.
In the sixteenth century Poland became a considerable centre of classical influence. In its capital city of Cracow an Italianate Renaissance style began to be evident at the beginning of that century. Taking into account the fact that the construction of the magnificent arcaded courtyard of the Wawel Castle (the finest and most monumental piece of Italian Renaissance building north of the Alps) was begun as early as 1502, the famous Renaissance chapel of the Sigismunds in the cathedral in 1517, it seems reasonable to say that in the European architecture of that time Poland occupied a not unimportant position. Apart from castles (as, for instance, the Royal Castle of Wilno and many others built by great noblemen), a number of Renaissance town halls (the finest at Poznan), chapels, university buildings (at Wilno and Zamosc), granaries (Kazimierz on the Vistula, Torun, Danzig), and numerous town houses in Cracow, Warsaw, Lwow and other towns arose during this period.
The influence of Baroque in architecture also penetrated to Poland with exceptional swiftness. In 1584, when the first Baroque church in Rome, Il Gesu, was nearing completion, the foundations of the first Baroque church in Poland were already laid - that of the Jesuits at Nieswiez:. Others soon followed at Kalisz, Cracow, Wilno. During the first half of the next century Baroque architecture flourished most splendidly in Warsaw, the new capital, where the great Royal Castle and many noblemen's palaces were laid out and decorated with a magnificence characteristic of the epoch. In this, as in the preceding phase, Polish architectural ideas were closely connected with those of Italian art.
The destructive wars with Sweden and Muscovy in the second half of the seventeenth century caused incalculable and irretrievable losses not only to architecture, but to all branches of art in Poland. When reconstruction began, in the spirit of the late Baroque, there was a mighty building of town and country manors (of which King John Sobieski's at Wilanow is the most famous), churches in Warsaw, Cracow, Lwow, Poznan, Wilno, and not only in these great centres, but also at such places as Pozajscie near Kaunas, Gostyn, and Czestochowa (the most famous place of pilgrimage in Poland).
Widespread architectural activity continued throughout the first half of the eighteenth century, so that it is even possible to distinguished several separate schools of Polish Rococo building, centred in Warsaw, Poznan, Lwow and Wilno, the influence of the two latter reaching far eastward, to Smolensk, Mstislav, and the limits of Podolia. Religious tolerance produced buildings in which Western European architectural form was adapted to meet the requirements of various forms of worship. The finest examples are: for the Greek ritual of the Roman Church, the Church of St. George at Lwow; for the Greek Orthodox Church, the Church of the Holy Ghost at Wilno; for the Jews, the synagogue at Druja. (This propensity may be observed also in earlier periods, as in the Gothic buildings of the Greek Orthodox Church on Lithuanian and White Ruthenian soil, in the Renaissance style of the Wallachian Church at Lwow, or in the synagogue at Tarnow, and so on.) During the Baroque and Rococo period Italian influences were not the only ones to make themselves strongly felt. Noticeable, too, were the Dutch (particularly at Danzig; throughout the rest of Poland it was mostly confined to palaces and military constructions), the French (both direct and by way of Dresden), and the German, which was evident in certain ecclesiastical buildings.
During the reign of Poland's last king, Stanislas Augustus Poniatowski, learning, literature, and the arts again flourished in a manner recalling the splendid Renaissance era of the sixteenth century. Close relations were maintained in these matters with France and Italy, as also with England in the last twenty years of the eighteenth century. Great interest was evinced in antique art, as shown by the archaeological expedition of Stanislas Potocki to Italy, by many journeys to Italy for research and study, by the collecting of classical works of art. This was not without influence on architectural development which also shows considerable traces of contact with French Louis-Seize constructions, whereas gardening was strongly influenced by English style. Poland's architecture of this period forms an interesting and individual fragment of the European whole. Its main centres were Warsaw (the new interiors of the Royal Castle, the Lazienki Palace and many noblemen's houses) and Wilno (the Cathedral, the town-hall and numerous houses). Hundreds of manors, large and small, were built all over the country, expressing so faithfully the spirit of Polish tradition that, like the Georgian houses of England, they are even in our own times a characteristic feature of the rural landscape.
The last phase of independent architectural development in Poland falls into the first half of the nineteenth century (more particularly the years of the so-called "Congress Kingdom," 1815-30). A number of monumental public edifices in Classicist style were erected in Warsaw (the University buildings, the Philomatic Society, the Opera House, the Bank of Poland, the Ministry of Finance), also many private houses, so that the growing quarters of the town acquired a harmonious character which lasted almost unchanged down to the present day. During this period Italian architects again took their place by the side of the Polish ; while two of the city's squares were decorated with statues by Thorwaldsen, the Danish sculptor; the continued interest in English art found expression in the remodelling of Warsaw's cathedral church in English nineteenth-century Gothic style (in the forties of that century).
In the course of its 850 years of unbroken existence as a State organism, Poland often suffered the ravages of war; war with the Tartars and the German emperors in the early Middle Ages, war with the Teutonic Order in the late years of that period, war with Muscovy and Sweden in the seventeenth century. Every few generations the country had to be raised afresh from ruins. But in general, its agricultural riches and the industry and will of the people proved equal to the task.

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The story of Polish architecture and monuments during the period of the partitions anticipate events of our own day. Prussia, Tsarist Russia and Austria, the Powers which, towards the end of the eighteenth century, jointly carried out the partitions of Poland, were not content with the political crime alone. Their intention was to annihilate the Polish nation and its culture. For over a hundred years this aim was pursued systematically and logically, either openly or in disguise, either brutally or perfidiously, according to external and internal political conditions. The time of bondage was, for the oppressed nation, a period of constant and untiring effort to defend Poland's cultural achievements against the pitiless siege of its enemies.
The losses suffered during this time were much greater than the destruction caused by preceding wars, for throughout a period of several score years the country's monuments were steadily overthrown and the face of its towns altered. The fate of the Polish regalia may stand as a symbol. Seized from the Wawel treasury and carried to Berlin in 1795 by order of Frederick William II, they were, in 1808-11, deliberately destroyed, the gold and silver being melted down, the pearls and precious stones sold through the Seehandlungskommission. The Royal Castle on Wawel Hill was turned into an Austrian barracks, irreparable loss being caused to its architectural features. The magnificent art collections of the last king, housed in his Warsaw Castle and other residences, were dispersed, Russian State collections at St. Petersburg being enriched with much of them. The Royal Castle of Warsaw was converted partly into offices, partly into a barracks for Russian troops. One of the Tsarist dignitaries quartered there did not scruple to order the wrenching away of the marbles in the famous Portrait Room and to carry them away to Russia. Among the innumerable instances of destruction of Polish architecture by the Russians it will suffice to quote the converting of the Primate's Palace in Warsaw into a cadets' college, the remodelling of the noble Classicist building of the Warsaw Philomatic Society in Russo-Byzantine style, the converting of many ancient churches to the use of the Greek Orthodox cult and the crowning of them with the characteristic Russian cupolas. By this means Polish towns were to lose their western-European physiognomy owing to the introduction of wholly alien features.
Prussian proceedings were no less ruthless. Immediately after the first partition of Poland in 1772, Frederick the Great ordered the demolition of castles and palaces in order to use the materia1 for building barracks and German Government offices. As an instance we may quote the sixteenth-century Renaissance residence at Osiek which was destroyed in order to gain material for the barracks at Starogard. This system continued under Frederick's successors and a number of churches (let us mention that of the Barefoot Carmelite nuns at Poznan and of St. Nicholas at Torun), palaces (like the episcopal residence at Lubawa) and town houses were demolished. New buildings designed to give a German look to Polish towns were erected in their place. Witness the pompous imperial palace in German Romanesque style at Poznan (by order of William II); and the large number of official buildings raised in German Gothic or German Renaissance style. The policy of extermination followed by the Prussian Government as it expressed itself in forcible eviction of Poles from the land and mass colonization by German settlers, in many districts changed the face of the countryside, since villages too were altered to make them resemble German ones, Polish building traditions methodically eliminated and even the landscape subjected to alterations. The Germans forbade the raising of any Polish monument in public places, even in honour of great poets and artists, or of eminent philanthropists. Even so late as a few years before the present war the Danzig Nazis, plainly incited by Berlin, were seized by a veritable fury of destruction directed against all Polish relics. Portraits and statues of Polish kings, which even the Bismarckian era had respected as works of art, were removed, the eagles on Renaissance and Baroque facades, on bridges and gates, were destroyed as symbols of the Polish State; ancient fountains were defaced by the destruction of the Polish emblems with which they had been decorated. The public protests of Polish representatives in the Danzig Senate and of the Danzig Poles had no effect.
At a time, therefore, when all the civilized States of the world recognized the proper care for monuments of the past as a duty and a work which should enjoy Government patronage, Poland's monuments were at the mercy of hostile administrations which deliberately strove to obliterate them. The Polish people organized secret or open associations for their protection, collected money for their preservation, and did their best to save what they could.

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Fresh losses were caused by the war of 1914-20. The restored Polish Commonwealth was faced not only with the task of re-establishing as far as might be the original splendour of monuments disfigured, desecrated, or neglected by the partitioning Governments, but also with that of general reconstruction (the rebuilding of Kalisz, a defenceless city shelled by the Germans on the first day of the war in 1914, may serve as an example). Both the Government and the people of Poland, from the very beginning of the restoration of political independence, considered the preserving of works of art and monuments of the past to be among their most urgent duties. The first law on the subject, based on modern ideas, was passed in 1918.
Two invaluable architectural monuments, the Royal Castles of Warsaw and Cracow, symbols, as it were, of the State's sovereign power, were accorded special care. During twenty years the Government devoted between ten and twenty million zlotys annually (a considerable sum for Polish circumstances) for the preservation of each of them. The people also took part in restoring these buildings to their proper state; thousands of schools and organizations, tens of thousands of private individuals contributed considerable sums for many years towards the expenses of work on the Wawel Castle. Both buildings became residences of the President of the Republic and witnesses of the most important State acts, as well as living museums of the nearly millennia I State tradition.
The amount of work carried out in the preservation and restoration of monuments can to a certain extent be measured by statistical data: during the first twenty years of restored political independence over three hundred edifices, seriously damaged in the course of hostilities, were rebuilt; work on a more or less extensive scale was undertaken on some 1,000 immovables. Excavations accompanied by thorough studies produced considerable results in prehistory and early history. The great prehistoric flint mines at Krzemionki were discovered and examined, the Pre-Romanesque round church of SS. Felix and Adauctus was found within the walls of Wawel Castle, while many settlements of the prehistoric and early historical periods (like those of Piekary near Cracow, Gniezno, Poznan and so on), were studied. Lastly, an unusual discovery was made at Biskupin in Poznania. A prehistoric settlement of wooden houses was found preserved under the water and morass of a lake, like Pompeii under its lava; it dates from the first millennium B.C. and the studies conducted there by Poznan University during the last few years before the war excited the interest of scholars the world over. Of the many mediaeval castles on which important work was undertaken, Grodno takes first place owing to the extent and result of the studies carried out there (layers of several epochs were found ranging from the tenth to the sixteenth century). But others deserving mention are: the ruins of the castle of Troki (fifteenth century) those of Czersk (thirteenth century), and the later edifices at Podhorce, Wilanow, Krasiczyn and Olesko. Of ecclesiastical buildings, the Romanesque church at Tum near Leczyca should be mentioned, also the church of Our Lady in Cracow renovated (with the help of a considerable annual State grant), the Cathedrals of Wilno (to which half a million zlotys was contributed by individual donors), Gniezno and Sandomierz, churches at Wislica, Brochow, Torun, Wilno, Poznan, Lwow and many others.
Disfigured and polluted public edifices and seats of learning were restored to their original shape anti use (for instance, the building of the Warsaw Philomatic Society) ; ancient residences were converted to new and dignified purposes consonant with their ancient character and form (for example, the so-called Palace of the Commonwealth was made to house the Supreme Courts of Judicature, the Primates' Palace became the Ministry of Agriculture, Bruehl House the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and so on).
The municipal authorities took a great interest in the preservation of monuments. The municipality of Warsaw, having bought and demolished several modern houses, brought to light amid crowded streets and courtyards a portion of the city's mediaeval defences; it commissioned artists to decorate in colour the facades of the Old Town Market and had Blank House restored to serve as a residence for the Mayor. The municipality of Wilno undertook the care of the mediaeval castle ruins on Wilno Castle Mound; at Zamosc the original forms of a town homogeneously designed in the sixteenth century were re-established; at Cracow, Lwow, Lublin and Kazimierz on the Vistula considerable labour was spent on the restoration of ancient houses, streets and squares.
The preservation of frescoes and painted ceilings in the Church of the Holy Trinity in Lublin Castle, in Sandomierz Cathedral, the churches of St. John and St. James at Torun, ... all these form a special section in the general care for architectural monuments.
All such work was always accompanied by expert studies, the results of which were published in separate books or in learned periodicals. Thanks to the cataloguing of monuments, vast materials were collected in the course of twenty years, comprising some 10,000 technical drawings and some 30,000 photographs. Shortly before the war the publication of these materials was begun.

THE PRESENT

THE nature of HOSTILITIES in a short campaign of movement might lead one to expect only an insignificant amount of damage to architectural monuments. If it is otherwise, the reason must be sought in the fact that the war was conducted by Germany as a "totalitarian" one. Thus ruinous damage is to be found not only where the battle raged most fiercely, but also in the centres of some open towns (at times situated far behind the front line) which the German Air Force bombed ruthlessly and violently, towns like Lublin, Garwolin, or Zakroczym among others.
The three weeks' defence of Warsaw roused the Germans to particular fury and this city has suffered the most grievous losses. They arose mainly through incendiary and explosive bombs, partly also through artillery action. The relentless attacks on the centre of the town became most intense when Hitler himself took over command of operations against it (a photograph of him in the tower of a Warsaw suburban church can be found in German publications). It was then that showers of incendiaries were rained on the Royal Castle, on the Cathedral, the Church of St. Anne, and many others, causing a number of dangerous fires.
We shall try to give some idea of the extent of destruction in the city, enumerating the more important items. The demolition of the Royal Castle is described in a separate chapter. Apart from that, the losses were greatest amid mansions, public edifices and private houses, mostly of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and early nineteenth century. The following were completely burnt out, so that only the bare walls remained, in part smashed by bomb or shell: The Primates' Palace, that of the bishops of Cracow, the so-called Blue House (belonging to the Zamoyski family), Raczynski House (of late the seat of the American Embassy), the Branicki mansion in Pod wale Street, the Lubomirski Mansion near Zelazna Brama, the so-called Krolikarnia. the Sulkowski mansion, and noble residences at Nos. 10 and 12 in Miodowa Street, and No. 11 in Senatorska Street. Of public edifices which were also architectural monuments, the following were burnt out and the walls partly shattered: the main building of the University, the old buildings of the Bank of Poland, the Ministry of Finance, the Museum of Industry and Agriculture, the Opera House, the Stock Exchange, the Landowners' Club, the Philharmonic Concert Hall. Of wholly destroyed private houses of historical value we can name: the so-called Dekert House in Waski Dunaj, that of the bishops of Poznan in Jezuicka Street, the houses at No. 10 Podwale, No. 8 Krzywe Kolo, No. 14 Piekarska Street, Nos. 50-52, 55, 59 in Nowy Swiat. Of the fine eighteenth-century Protestant church only the outer shell remains, (See Plate 1.)
The following sustained serious damage: the royal residences in the Lazienki Park; more particularly the so-called White House, the Potocki mansion at No. 15 Krakowskie Przedmiescie, the Puslowski and Uruski mansions, the residences at Nos. 16 and 25 of Ujazdowska Avenue; also the following ancient residences and mansions adapted to public use: that of the Radziwills (seat of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers), Brunl House (Foreign Office), the Zamoyski mansion (Ministry of Home Affairs), Raczynski mansion in Dluga Street (Ministry of Justice), the Pac Palace (Courts of Justice), the Potocki mansion at No. 32 Krakowskie Przedmiescie (National Library), the so-called Staszic Palace (Warsaw Society of Science and Letters), besides other public edifices, such as the building of the Ministry of Communications, the Post and Telegraph Office, the Land Credit Society, the old city toll-gates, and so on. Of the numerous ancient town houses some burnt out and all seriously damaged we will name only these: the Fukier House in the Old Town Market; the houses at Nos. 89, 87, 85, 79, 69, 56, 12, and 10 Krakowskie Przedmiescie; several houses in Miodowa Street, those at Nos. 12 Dluga Street (College of the Theatine Fathers), 49 Nowy Swiat, 11 Przejazd, 17 Nowowiniarska Street, 29 Gesia Street, 19 Grzybowska Street; many Classicist buildings in Nalewki Street; and an early nineteenth-century villa belonging to Marconi, the architect, in Jerozolimska Avenue. Of ecclesiastical buildings, not only the Cathedral and the Church of St. Anne have suffered serious damage by fire, but also the church of the Jesuits; the churches of the Augustinians, the Paulines, the Carmelites, the Church of the Holy Rood, that of Our Lady (in Nowe Miasto Square) and that of St. Hyacinth - all of which must rank as architectural monuments - were damaged by bombs and shelling.
In order to assess these losses at their true value it is necessary to remember that they mean not only damage or destruction of the outer walls, but also the irreparable ruin of interior details, such as plaster-work, panelling, chimneypieces, frescoes, raftered ceilings, staircases, wrought iron-work, and so on.
The losses suffered are all the more disastrous for the town in that the destroyed buildings were mostly situated in its ancient main arteries, the street of Nowy Swiat, Krakowskie Przedmiescie, Miodowa, Castle Square, Bank Square, and Theatre Square, which to this day throb with the capital's daily life. In the minds of both Poles and foreigners it is these which are first evoked by the name of Warsaw, evoked when we call to mind its past and remember the paintings of Canaletto, Vogel, Alberti, and of numerous engravers, lithographers and draughtsmen of the early nineteenth century. That beloved picture of Warsaw has vanished in its most essential architectural features, and however it is rebuilt it can never regain its unique and ancient charm.
The most grievous and extensive damage is to be found among the Classicist buildings of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. They had formed an important page in the history of Poland's art, possessing an individual and original character, the result of collaboration by artists, scholars, and enlightened patrons of art with the king at their head. This so-called "StanislasAugustus Style" was to be found not only in architecture but also in architectural decoration and decorative arts, and was distinguished by its essentially Polish character. The most valuable monuments of this style were grouped in Warsaw and the majority of them have been destroyed. To realize the importance of their loss for Poland, an Englishman would have to imagine the destruction of the finest examples of England's Georgian architecture as well as the Adam interiors.
Of other important towns, LUBLIN was the one to suffer the greatest damage.
This open city was attacked by the German Air Force which showered incendiaries and explosives on the southern part of the Old Town, destroying many sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth-century houses_ It was a quarter of the town to which particular attention had recently been paid by the curators of monuments, and they had succeeded in restoring its character after the neglect of over a century under alien rule. Apart from this, the Cathedral and the medireval city walls sustained the gravest injuries.
During the German siege of Lwow in September 1939, artillery shells destroyed part of the Baroque monastery of the Friars Minor, also damaging the Baroque church of the Jesuits, a small church of the Greek ritual attached to the Theological Seminary, and the modern Church of St. Elizabeth.
LOWICZ, forming part of the great battlefield of Kutno, was several times taken and lost by the contending armies, so that the damage here is very grave. The magnificent collegiate church was burnt out and injured by artillery shells, the churches of S1. Leonard and S1. John were burnt down and shattered, the fine Baroque building of the Lazarists fell a prey to flames. Nearly all the sixteenth and seventeenth-century houses in the southern part of the Greater Market, with their rich raftered ceilings and interesting entrance halls, were burnt down.
At PLOCK the ancient cathedral was seriously damaged by shells, at SOCHACZEW the church and monastery were destroyed by German troops, at GRODNO the ancient parish church was damaged, at TARNOPOL considerable hurt was sustained by the Dominican church, one of the finest examples of Rococo architecture to be found in Poland. The burning out and partial demolition of the famous collegiate church at Tum, near Leczyca, is another of the most grievous losses of the war, for this was one of the most magnificent buildings in Romanesque style on Polish soil.
In this list of damage caused by hostilities we have passed over minor items, such as individual buildings, in the smaller towns, country manors, or valuable examples of peasant style burnt down in villages.

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HAVING OCCUPIED THE SOIL OF POLAND by armed force, and declaring that the Polish State had thereby ceased to exist, the Germans also took the point of view that all State departments and responsibilities had therewith come to an end, even in matters as far removed from politics as the curatorship of monuments. In order to make this properly clear it is necessary to state expressly that the Germans neither subordinated the curatorships to the newly introduced German political executive, nor took over their work, nor staffed them with Germans, but simply treated them as non-existent. As for the vast materials collected by Polish scholars and curators and deposited in the Ministry of Education, the many thousand architectural drawings, photographic prints and plates, a complete card-index of all immovable monuments in Poland, these they incontinently carried off to the Reich, by no means for the purpose of organizing a service for the preservation of monuments on that basis, but solely for use in German publications, a proceeding which is clean contrary to the most primitive laws of scientific ethics. Since the occupation, the results of work by Polish scholars and students are printed without acknowledgement in books and periodicals throughout the "Generalgouvernement" and the Reich. Numerous learned gentlemen of German nationality participate in this unprecedented thieving, not only regular collaborators of the !nstitut fuer Deutsche Ostarbeit, but also such as only occasionally profit by its assistance. If we consider how much attention is paid to the preservation of monuments in Germany, we must conclude that the German authorities' omission to organize such a service in occupied Polish territory is deliberate, particularly as their other proceedings prove everywhere how greatly they desire the disappearance of all Polish landmarks so that the country may become a blank page on which shall be inscribed a new history, German this time.
Germany's proud boast during the last war was that she tried to organize a service for the preservation of damaged monuments in all occupied countries. We must say that to-day the German people show a different disposition. To destroy and to prevent salvage while crying that it is the Germans who are introducing order and care for civilization in the enslaved territories-that is the watchword of the German type paramount to-day. In the face of burnt and crumbling ancient buildings which need immediate safeguards, Polish custodians are removed, no Germans put in their place, and even the spontaneous action of the community forbidden. Immediately upon the entry of German troops, the activity of all societies for the preservation of monuments, an activity doubly necessary in times of war, was suspended, as were those of all other societies; subsequently they were forcibly dissolved and their property diverted to the use of the German "Generalgouvernement" administration. Since all concerted action has been forbidden, any attempt at salvage by the community was rendered impossible beforehand.
Thus numerous architectural monuments which have sustained damage in the course of hostilities perish owing to deliberate neglect, and these indirect war injuries greatly increase the original losses. A piece of architecture deprived of proper care naturally decays with cumulative speed in consequence of the effects of the weather, so that before long its ruins crumble to mere debris. After two years of German occupation this truth is mournfully depicted on most of the buildings which have suffered during hostilities.
The Germans, however, have out-paced the weather. They have demolished or ordered the demolition of structures damaged during the campaign, on various pretexts, such as "clearance work, " "danger to public security" and the like. Many architectural monuments in Warsaw have fallen for such flimsy reasons.
Even more glaring are those cases where the fabric of architectural monuments was pulled down in order to provide building materials for military purposes. Thus in April 1940 the great Classicist hall of the Bank of Poland was destroyed by German sappers, who blasted the dome with explosives so as to have easier access to the iron girders; thus the Classicist church at Pulawy was ruined for the sake of its tin; thus in December 1940 the wings of the Primate's Palace were demolished to provide rubble for the construction of aerodromes; thus the walls of the Classicist building of the Ministry of Finance were ruined for the same purpose, and so on ad infinitum.
There have been other actions quite incomprehensible to any civilized human being; instances of destruction for destruction's sake, without any aim in view, unless it be the political motives to which we have alluded already. The story of the Royal Castle in Warsaw is most characteristic in this respect. Of other cases, the most shocking was the demolition of the fine, richly furnished Baroque church at Wisnicz (first half of the seventeenth century), a well-preserved building which had survived hostilities undamaged and which was razed to the ground by the Germans in the autumn of 1940; Dr. Wachter, Governor of Cracow, in his rapacity, did not scruple to appropriate the marble of the shattered altars for the enlargement of his villa at Przegorzaly near Cracow. The beautiful sixteenth-century Renaissance synagogue at Tarnow was completely destroyed, probably because it irritated the German authorities as being a Jewish monument. In Warsaw the Classicist eighteenth-century chapel in the old artillery barracks was torn down without any reason; likewise an eighteenth-century garden villa of the Czartoryski family in the Powazki quarter. In the country, for instance at Opinogora and Krasne, confiscated residences were either demolished or subjected to far-reaching alterations .

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The picture would be incomplete without a few words on the use to which the Germans put MONUMENTS OF ARCHITECTURE in Poland. The Wawel Castle in Cracow, Poland's national shrine, has become the residence of Dr. Frank, German Governor-General, and its most ancient Gothic hall is now a German tap-room, decorated with suitable inscriptions such as are found in German hostelries, (See Plate 12.) Nearby, in the so-called Kurza Stopka tower, inhabited in the fourteenth century by Jadwiga, Poland's most venerated queen, are the lavatories and ... a vomitorium. The completed part of the new National Museum building of Cracow has been turned into a German dub-house and an article in the Krakauer Zeitung of December 21st, 1941, proves that the remainder is to serve the same purpose, becoming "a mammoth temple of gastronomy" (ein gastronomischer Mammuthbau), also-"an establishment for the needs of German officials and employees on a larger scale than had ever been built for them before" (die grosszugigste Versorgungseinrichtung die jemals fuer deutsche Beamte und Angestellte gebaut wurde). In Warsaw the museum devoted to Marshal Pilsudski's memory has been ejected from the Belvedere, where he lived and died; the building has been subjected to complete alteration inside, and destined to form a residence for Dr. Frank. In the course of these alterations the inner walls were transferred, the height of rooms changed, every trace of its previous character obliterated. Even the trees in the courtyard have been cut down, so that the Belvedere residence is deprived of its wistfully romantic air. The Ministry of Education is now the seat of the Gestapo; University buildings still remaining are occupied by the German police; the damaged Potocki mansion at No. 32 Krakowskie Przedmiescie, which housed part of the National Library, serves as a military storehouse; what was left of another residence of the same family, at No. 15 Krakowskie Przedrniescie, is used by the Todt corps. What was left of the Prime Minister's Office (a beautiful house which formerly belonged to the Radziwills) has similarly been turned into a "German House. " At the opening of this institution the Governor-General, Dr. Frank, pronounced one of his great speeches, beginning with the words: "In the inauguration of this new building (sic !) there lies a deep historic significance" (Krakauer Zeitung, January 21st, 1941.) Very true. (See Plate 9.)

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A separate, widespread C A M P A I G N was undertaken, as in the eighteenth century, TO GIVE POLISH ARCHITECTURAL MONUMENTS AND POLISH TOWNS A GERMAN AIR. Numerous German artists and architects were summoned to carry out this work, which was first begun at Cracow and is pursued with an utter disregard of the generally accepted principles of preservation of monuments. As an example of these proceedings we may quote the Cracow Market-Place which is surrounded by a group of old houses with walls of the Gothic, Renaissance and Baroque periods. In such a group not only every building, but very nearly each stone and brick have their value and it is the duty of a custodian to protect with care even the smallest fragments. Not so the German architects, artists and historians of art-for these also did not fail to play their part. Having seized whole stretches of private houses for German official purposes, they decided that a complex of buildings possessing small mediaeval and Renaissance courtyards was not sufficiently convenient for modern use. So they unhesitatingly demolished all the transverse blocks, creating one large courtyard for all the houses concerned. This architectural innovation has naturally also been decorated in typically German fashion, so that in future it may again testify to German artistic influence on Polish soil. Other plans, in part already executed, include the "renovation" of historic facades. It is well known how easy a thing is the changing of an architectural monument's character by polychrome work accentuating selected elements of the design and toning down others. Such is precisely the nature of German "renovating" activities in Cracow.
Similar tendencies in Warsaw may be found in the alterations to the Radziwill House (which was used as the Prime Minister's office), for the purpose of turning it into a Deutsches Haus. The wings were converted into a series of small hotel rooms, big new kitchens were introduced, the dining-rooms were decorated with wall-paintings, one of them a great allegorical design representing "Germany's Triumph in the East, " a poorly executed composition by one of the German artists employed. The new dining-room furniture was designed by a German architect on the model of that to be found in German restaurants; set in the fine Baroque interiors of the palace it is a silent, insistent proof of Nazi Germany's taste. (See Plate 9.)
But the campaign is not confined to alterations of this kind. A number of GERMAN TOWN-PLANNING offices have been created which are preparing designs for the complete transformation of whole towns. One such plan for Warsaw, by a German architect of the name of Gross, was worked out as early as December 1939 - March 1940, and a large-scale plastic model of it was even executed. It provides for a complete alteration of the network of streets, the demolition of the Castle walls and numerous architectural monuments, including the Opera House, the driving of new traffic routes across existing buildings. By the prolongation of Foch Street which has spoilt the shape of Pitsudski Square one such proposal has already been put into practice. The Gross plan, undoubtedly inspired by authoritative German circles, aims first at turning Warsaw into a modern commercial city, a transit point for German communications with the East, and next at destroying its historical and architectural monuments so that in future nothing should recall the fact that this was once the capital of Poland. Different though equally barbarous plans have been hatched by the town-planning office for the new German city of Cracow. Their starting point is the levelling down of the Kosciuszko Mound, a memorial raised to the national hero in the years 1820-23, in the interior of which are deposited urns with the soil of the Polish and American battlefields on which he fought. On its site it is intended to erect a great palatial German office building, the heart of an entirely new lay-out of the town, one which completely disregards its organic development. These plans include the destruction of the churches of St. Adalbert (eleventh century) and St. Giles (twelfth century) as alleged obstacles to traffic.
In smaller towns also the local German rulers imitate their chiefs in attempting a speedy German alteration of the Polish exterior of squares, streets and edifices. At Lowicz, for instance, a new street is to be driven along the axis of symmetry of the Collegiate Church, and the Market is being enlarged by the destruction of the houses on its northern side. The putting into practice of this idea, one entirely senseless from the point of view of town-planning, has been begun by the destruction of the monumental Baroque walls of the seventeenth-century Hospital buildings. They had been injured by fire in the course of hostilities, but could still have been repaired without difficulty. The greater part has already been torn down, rendering future reconstruction impracticable. The chapel with its Baroque polychromy by Michel Angelo Palloni is also menaced, and Polish people, who wished to protect them from further destruction have been categorically forbidden to do so by the local German authorities. Various small towns, such as Sochaczew, Garwolin, Skierniewice, have already been subjected to alterations in a "Germanic" spirit and now have special German quarters. For others, like Hrubieszow, quite incredible changes are demanded, taking account neither of the existing town plan, nor of architectural monuments. Even the very landscape of the "Vistula country" ought, as soon as possible, to receive a German impress, according to the opinion of some learned Germans. {As one example of many may we point out an article by Professor Dr. Conrad Meyer entitled “The New German East" and printed in the Krakauer Zeitung on February 4th, 1942. It is a summary of a lecture delivered by the author in Berlin and contains the sentence: “In the forming of space and landscape, new a venues must also be opened in order to give the German individual a landscape in harmony with the essence of his nature" (. . . um dem deutschen Menschen eine ihm wessensverwandte Landschaft zu geben).}
Aesthetic and historic damage has also been inflicted on towns and architectural monuments by the confiscation of all balustrades and iron railings during the collection of metal for war purposes. Many of them were valuable specimens, especially those of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries when the art of iron-forging stood high in Poland.
Enthusiastic "attention" was paid by the Germans to S TAT U E S  AN D  M E M 0 R I A L S . In territory "incorporated in the Reich" it was decided to remove every trace of Poland as swiftly as possible, so that all of them, ancient or modern, were systematically destroyed, regardless of artistic or historical value, and that not only in squares and parks, but also in cemeteries and churches. Among the larger and more widely known monuments thus demolished were: the Mickiewicz statue (erected in 1859), the Kosciuszko statue, the Sacred Heart Memorial, and the monument of the 15th cavalry regiment at Poznan ; the cenotaph of the 63rd infantry regiment, and the Pilsudski monument at Torun ; the Independence Memorial and the Pilsudski monument at Grudziadz; the Insurgents' Memorial at Szamotuly, the Niegolewski monument at Buk, the Kosciuszko statue at Lodz. The total of losses is enormous, for even grave stones were destroyed.
In “Generalgouvernement”, territory Cracow has hitherto been most seriously affected by the war waged on statues. The first to suffer destruction was the monument founded by Ignacy Paderewski, commemorating the battle of Grunwald (Tannenberg), which was unveiled in 1910, on the 500th anniversary of that important event. Next came the equestrian statue of Kosciuszko on Wawel Hill, then the monument of Mickiewicz in the Market-Place, (See Plate 15.) This had no particular artistic value, but it ranked as a national treasure, as it had for many years formed the focus of national demonstrations. It was thrown from its pedestal on August 17th, 1940, in a barbarous manner, in full daylight and in the presence of a great crowd. A number of smaller monuments were likewise later destroyed in Cracow.
In the middle of May 1940, the Chopin monument (a sculpture by W. Szymanowski) in Warsaw was demolished by special order of Dr. Frank, the Governor-General. In September 1940 a statue by Wittig, commemorating the members of a Polish military independence organization (P.O.W.), active during the first World War, met the same fate. The inscription on Thorwaldsen's Copernicus monument was altered from Nicolao Copernico grata patria to Dem grossen Astronomen Nicolaus Copernicus.

December, 1941.

Chapter X

WARSAW CASTLE

THE PAST

THE Castle in Warsaw was first built by Conrad I1, Duke of Masovia, in the second half of the thirteenth century. It was an erection of brick which was enlarged during the next two centuries until it covered almost the same area of ground as the Castle buildings occupy at present. Many fragments of this first Gothic castle are to be found in the fabric of the walls and of one of the towers; there are even some remains of wall painting dating from the Middle Ages. In the middle of the sixteenth century the building was partly altered to Renaissance style.
The Castle's present shape, however, dates from a somewhat later period, from the first quarter of the seventeenth century, when, in the reign of Sigismund III, it became the permanent residence of the King and his court. An imposing ensemble of buildings was laid round a pentagon courtyard and an early Baroque clock-tower formed the main architectural accent of the whole. The date on the clock-face is 1622. The walls of this period were excellently well preserved up to the present century, but so also were the finely-vaulted rooms on the ground floor, the tower with its characteristic steeple, and many decorative architectural details.
A monumental and richly decorated Rococo facade to face the river was added in the reign of Augustus Ill, and at the same time a number of rooms were altered to suit the style of his time.
The last phase of the Castle's architectural development fell within the second half of the eighteenth century, and the splendid interiors of the first floor, which then came into existence, were probably the finest example we possessed of the early Classicism of that period - the Polish counterpart of Louis-Seize style. A special vote of the Seym, passed in 1764, ordering the restoration and furnishing of the Castle at the cost of the Treasury, is proof of the great importance attached by the nation to creating a suitable residence for the King as representative of the State's sovereign power. We do not know how much was spent in all for this purpose during the reign of Stanislas Augustus, the last king of Poland, but some indication is given by fragmentary memoranda which show that the general building .costs amounted to something like 10,000,000 Polish zlotys in contemporary currency-that is, some 700,000 ducats. It is not possible to estimate the present value of a work of art created for this sum by comparing present-day and eighteenth-century prices of corn, industrial products, or suchlike, works of art having since then risen very much more in value than agricultural or industrial produce. Our only standard of comparison is the price paid for movable works of art, which then, as now, had their market. Thus we may quote the fact that Augustus III paid 20,000 ducats in 1754 for Raphael 's Sistine Madonna. The sum was considered unusually high. But Frederick the Great wrote, jealously; "... the King of Poland is free to pay 30,000 ducats for a picture. . . . What I can pay, at a reasonable price, that I buy, but what is too expensive that I leave for the King of Poland ...." In 1745 Augustus III had paid 100,000 sequins (i.e., ducats) for a hundred of the finest pictures from the famous gallery of Francis III of Modena; they included four renowned Correggios, several Titians (among others the Tribute Money), four pictures by Veronese, and so on. Later, in the year 1824, ?57,000 was paid for thirty-eight pictures of the Angerstein collections which were to become the nucleus of the National Gallery in London. These included pictures by Sebastiano del Piombo, Titian, A. Carracci, Poussin, Claude Lorrain (five), Rubens, Van Dyck (three), Rembrandt (two), Hogarth (seven).
During the reign of Stanislas Augustus a number of eminent artists were employed in altering and decorating the Castle under the personal supervision of the King. The architects were Fontana, Louis, Merlini and Kammsetzer; the painters Bacciarelli, Plersch, PiIlement, Canaletto; the sculptors Le Brun and Monaldi. The long row of new rooms was the most monumental work of art created in Poland during this time.
But it was not artistic qualities alone that made the Royal Castle one of the relics closest to the heart of every Pole. There were also its historic memories. In the Middle Ages the Castle was the residence of the Dukes of Masovia, and since the sixteenth century it has been used as the permanent royal residence. Since the seventeenth century the State's highest legislative authority, the Seym, was housed in it. The Castle of Warsaw was thus the symbol of sovereign power, its walls beheld the grandest and most important historic events, to name only the act of homage performed before Sigismund III by the Tsars of the Shuyski family in 1611, or the proclaiming of the new Constitution on May 3rd, 1791, in the Session Room of the Seym.
After the restoration of independence in 1918 steps were immediately taken to carry out thoroughly the work of restoring the Castle's former splendour. For twenty years it was solicitously cared for by Government authorities as well as by art historians and keepers of historical monuments. The furnishing of the interior had been much ruined and depleted by Tsarist nineteenth-century occupation, but after the objects carried away to Russia had been brought back, they were systematically supplemented by gifts and purchases. New sets of antique furniture and decorative objects were bought as late as two months before the outbreak of war. By making the Castle the permanent residence of the President, the tradition was revived of those times when it had been the seat of the Kings of Poland.

THE PRESENT

THE damage done to the Castle during THE SIEGE OF WARSAW in September 1939 was not accidental but brought about by the Germans of set purpose. They showered incendiary bombs on it from the air, causing great fires, and they shelled it with artillery. The custodian of the State Art Collection, Kazimierz Brokl, was killed in the Castle by a shell whilst salvaging endangered works of art. But though the damage was considerable, its significance in relation to the general state of the Castle as an architectural monument was limited. Three-fourths of the roofs were destroyed by fire-a matter that could be remedied; the steeples of the two towers in part suffered the same fate-an undeniable artistic loss, but still their upper parts were saved, and these were the more decorative and might have helped the task of reconstruction. Some of the tympanum sculptures were also damaged. The most important injury was that suffered by the Great Ball room, where the ceiling had fallen down in consequence of a fire, thus completely destroying the great painting by Bacciarelli which had adorned it. In this room some of the coloured stucco columns, some mirrors, and some of the ceiling facettes were also either damaged or partly destroyed. But on the whole, with the exception of that one Bacciarelli ceiling, the reconstruction of this room was not impossible, and it would have involved no particular technical or artistic difficulty. It is therefore plain that, though the damage caused to the Castle by hostilities was real, the building as a whole was not beyond repair. The monumental body had remained almost intact, and, at the moment of the city's capitulation, architects and curators declared that, with the exception of the Great Ballroom, it might be restored to use within a few weeks.
With the help of the municipality, steps were therefore taken at once to safeguard the building, and by the first days of October 1939 the work of erecting a temporary roof had been begun. A large part of the structure still had its roof and even those parts which had been injured by the fire still afforded sufficient protection to the interior, thanks to their raftering of iron and cement and to the fact that they had been sheeted with copper. The work of safeguarding the Castle fabric was continued until October 18th, 1939, with the freely given aid of Polish curators, architects and art historians. In this short space of time part of the temporary roof was completed and preparations had been made to glaze in the artistically valuable rooms so that the interiors should not be damaged by frost and damp in the winter. Thus even during the tragic days of the siege, the capitulation, and the taking over of the town by German troops, the Poles did everything in their power to protect and hold safe from ruin this, to them, priceless and irreplaceable monument.

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Immediately after THE ENTRY OF GERMAN TROOPS into Warsaw the Castle and the neighbouring house, Pod Blacha, (once the residence of Prince Joseph Poniatowski), were occupied by the Feldgendarmerie Potsdam, who raised no objection to the continuation of building repairs. From the beginning, however, the interest of the German authorities turned towards the inner furnishings, particularly those of a usable nature. They at once began to carry away table services and household utensils, allegedly to Cracow for the use of the Governor-General, Dr. Frank, to Bruehl House in Warsaw for Governor Fischer, and to Spala for the Staff Quarters. At the same time the removal of antique furniture and of decorative objects was also begun. On October 18th the Governor-General, Dr. Frank, appeared in the Castle with his suite and on the spot gave general instructions concerning furnishings and collections. In the Throne Room he had several silver eagles torn down from the canopy over the throne, for a personal keepsake. From this date onwards the Castle collections were systematically pillaged, and at the same time the German authorities ordered the immediate cessation of all repair work. Probably the decision to destroy the Castle was taken at that very moment, though the knowledge of it reached the Polish public only a fortnight later.
On November 9th, after certain preparations, German sapper units began to drill holes for dynamite charges which were to blow up the Castle walls. These holes were drilled in the walls of the ground floor, in two rows, at about 40-50 centimetres distance one from the other. Each hole was It to 2 metres deep. Up to the middle of January 1940 all the walls of the ground floor rooms had thus been drilled on the inside and holes had also been drilled into all the supporting pillars of the vaults. At the end of January and during February similar holes were made in the walls surrounding the second courtyard and the adjoining tower. Only the Library wing, an annexe of the Castle, was to be spared. The date of blowing up the building was first set for the end of December, then put off to the end of January, then again to the time when the thaw would set in. At the beginning of January the dynamite charges were brought to the Castle and trial tests were made to ensure that they fitted into the prepared holes.
THE DEMOLITION OF THE INTERIOR was begun at the same time. This was undertaken by a German building firm called Rudolf, at whose disposal the German police daily placed several hundred conscripted Jewish labourers. The work of demolition was carried out in a truly shocking manner, works of art being treated throughout simply as raw material and scrap. All the marble chimneypieces, marble panels of the walls, and marble steps of the staircases were torn away, marble sculptures and pilasters broken loose. Picks were used for prising loose the antique inlaid flooring and for bringing down the magnificent carved woodwork of the Canaletto Room, the Old Audience Chamber, the Chapel, the King's Bedchamber, the Throne Room and the Hall of Chivalry. Crowds of Jewish workmen were employed to carry these broken carvings into the courtyards and dump them on great heaps where they suffered further damage by rain and frost, to be thrown after a few days into German lorries, pell-mell, with further breaking-up and destruction. The wall tapestries were torn down, the doors removed, the window-frames wrenched away, the dead floors taken up, even the radiators and any other things that had the slightest value as material were carted off, so that only the bare brick walls were left. Then, in December, the rafters between the floors were either hacked or cut out-both the old larchwood timbers and the new iron rafters put in during modern repairs. They were all thrown into the courtyard through the windows. In the second half of December the great Bacciarelli ceiling of the Audience Chamber, a representation of the Flowering of Art and Learning which had been painted directly on the plaster and was the painter's finest work, was dashed to the ground together with the raftering. It had survived hostilities without the slightest damage, but not a trace of it remains. The copper sheeting was taken off the roofs, the temporary wooden roof erected in October to prevent further damage was also demolished. By the end of February the Castle was a mere ruin of gutted walls. During March the work of destruction was continued, though at a slower rate. At the end of that month it was rumoured that the decision to blow up the building had been either revoked or again prorogued, and, as a matter of fact, at the beginning of April the engineering units were withdrawn and the explosives taken away on several lorries. The removing of builders' scrap, however, continued, though on a smaller scale. (See Plates 15 and 16.)

.•.•.•

THE ART COLLECTIONS of the Castle were PLUNDERED clean during the months of October and November 1939. They consisted of several hundred pictures, including the famous series of twenty-five views of Warsaw by Canaletto, several score sculptures in marble and bronze, several score Flemish tapestries and Gobelins, a collection of pottery ranging from Italian Renaissance majolica to specimens of nineteenth-century work; several score of magnificent eighteenth-century chandeliers of crystal and bronze, much antique furniture, and so on. Part of all this was taken to Cracow and used to furnish the apartments of the Governor-General; part was used for various German offices and for decorating the private dwellings of German officials and Army officers. A large part was simply stolen. Many cases are known of German officials offering works of art which had formed part of the Castle collections for sale to antique dealers and private individuals. In December 1939 German officials also plundered the storehouses of the State Art Collections which lay in the library wing of the Castle. They contained several thousand pictures by Polish and foreign artists, large collections of etchings, engravings, drawings and manuscripts. These collections were pilfered and sacked so that in future a full restoration of the Castle furnishings will be impossible, since there is no hope of tracing the majority of scattered and dispersed objects belonging to them.
In the third year of enemy occupation the naked walls of the Castle stand uncared for. Having relinquished the idea of completely destroying the gutted walls the German authorities have given no hint of their future intentions. Probably they have forgotten the thing after changing their minds, as has happened in so many other cases. The schemes for urban alterations in Warsaw drawn up by German architects in the winter of 1939 and in the following spring show that the site of the destroyed Castle was to remain empty.
The reasons for its wanton demolition were made quite plain by the German authorities in the autumn of 1939, when it was represented to them that the building's state of preservation was perfectly satisfactory and that no technical considerations justified the decision to destroy it. It was then declared that of course the grounds for the decision were not technical but political: the Royal Castle in Warsaw was to be destroyed as the symbol of the Polish State and it was alleged that the decision had been taken in the highest German quarters in Berlin. None the less, in the middle of January 1940, two months after the drilling of holes in the Castle walls had been begun, the Krakauer Zeitung printed a note to the effect that the Castle was baufaellig (in a ruinous state, tottery) and that Polish architects had confirmed the fact-which was a barefaced lie. Apparently it was thought advisable to prepare some such excuse for a course of action unprecedented in modern history.
Some of the building materials and even a number of works of art have been stored since the autumn of 1940 with the firm of Rudolf and, as need arises, they are taken thence for use in various German building activities.
Polish art specialists have considered the problem of a restoration of the Castle, but it will be possible only in the sense of creating a copy of the old one-the losses of artistic and historic value are irrevocable and irreparable.
On December 28th, 1941, the Krakauer Zeitung printed four photographs of the interior and exterior of the Warsaw Castle ruins with the superscription "Warsaw Pictures of an Historical Warning" (Warschauer Eilderreihe einer geschichtlichen Warnung) and the following text: "Towards the end of the Polish campaign, during the siege of Warsaw, which was brought on by the irresponsible behaviour of the great city's (Millionenstadt) mayor, its Castle was a military centre of command that had to be shattered by German shells and bombs. Our photographs, published for the first time, are a characteristic picture of the precision in effect of our weapons, and are furthermore also a warning to all similarly foolish defence strategists who by such senseless measures only bring all the greater misfortunes on their own population." The same pictures with the same text were printed also in the paper's Warsaw edition (Warschauer Zeitung), though every inhabitant of the town was able to see what happened to the Castle after September 1939 and knows that it was not the seat of the city's defence command, nor destroyed in the course of hostilities.
Not quite a month later the same Krakauer Zeitung printed (on January 22nd, 1942) the resume of a lecture delivered at the Deutsche Volksbildungsstaette (German Centre of Popular Education) and entitled "The Press in Political Contests. " It contained the sentence:
The Fuehrer wishes the whole German Press to write only the truth, for the truth alone can prevail in the long run.
The Fuehrer's opinion is unexceptionable, but it would be hard to find a more ironic illustration for it than the information of the German Press about Warsaw Castle.

January, 1942.
 
 

Chapter VIII
MUSEUMS AND COLLECTIONS

THE PAST

IN Poland, as in all the countries of Western Europe, the collector's spirit was first awakened by the interest which ruling houses and their courts began to take in works of art about the middle of the sixteenth century. The last kings of the Jagelllonian dynasty (1386-1572) were already the possessors of splendid specimens of Renaissance art like the famous collection of tapestries known as the Wawel Arrases. .
In the first half of the seventeenth century King Sigismund III and his successors, Ladislas IV and John Casimir, brought together in Warsaw works of art which, by their quality and number, deserved to be regarded not merely as part of the castle furnishings, but as an independent collection important enough almost to rank as a museum. Ladislas IV owned a great number of antique sculptures (which were under the care of a special curator), and he collected paintings by contemporary artists. We know that during his foreign travels he made purchases in person from Rubens and Guido Reni, and that after the death of Rubens the king's representative bought so many pictures from the sale of his works that Ladislas figures as the third most important purchaser, after the German emperor and the French king. These collections were dispersed before the century was out. During the Swedish wars many treasures were looted and carried off; and there were continual losses to other foreign countries for similar reasons.
King John Sobieski (1674-96) brought together numerous fine specimens of decorative art at Wilanow, particularly from the East; and the last king of Poland, Stanislas Augustus (1764-95) organized a museum on modern lines in the Castle of Warsaw. The great families of the nobility followed these royal examples and formed their own collections: the Szydlowieckis at Opatów and Sandomierz, the Zamoyskis at Zamosc, the Lubomirskis at Wisnicz, the Radziwills at Nieswiez, the Potockis at Brzezany and Tulczyn, the Czartoryskis at Pulawy, the Ossolinskis in Warsaw, and so on. Besides such private collections there came into being in Western Europe towards the end of the eighteenth century public collections, created and provided for by the State, as, for example, the British Museum in England (1759) and the Louvre in France (1791). For Poland, at that time in the throes of a political crisis which ended in her loss of independence, this period brought a development in art-collecting wholly different from that in other nations. The duty of the State rationally to develop and to protect artistic and scientific collections, now fell to the nation in the persons of its more enlightened members. Large classes of the Polish people soon became conscious that works of art and historic relics carefully assembled by preceding generations represent a nation's cultural level as vitally as any other manifestation of intellectual life. The specific and most characteristic features of this new phase for Poland's collectors was the continual need to rescue the evidence of ancient history and culture from the destructive policy of the partitioning Powers. This explains the distinctively indigenous and historical bias of many collections. During the first decades of the nineteenth century, collecting was chiefly the privilege of the great families of the nobility, the Poniatowskis, Tyszkiewicz, Mniszechs, Czartoryskis, Radziwills, Lubomirskis, Dzieduszyckis, Raczynskis, and others, who formed the independent class of the nation.
The idea of creating public art collections, which Stanislas Augustus had been unable to carry out, was taken up in the nineteenth century by the Warsaw Philomatic Society, founded in the year 1800, and in 1817 enriched by a substantial legacy from Gen. H. Dąbrowski. About the same time university collections came into being, the most important part of which were the prints and drawings. The richest of these, that of the University of Warsaw, had, since 1818, owned the large collection of some 100,000 prints and drawings bought from the heirs of Stanislas Augustus, and these were soon afterwards increased by a gift from Stanislas Potocki, then Minister of Education. In the year 1817 the Ossolinski Institute (Zaklad Narodowy im. Ossolinskich) was founded at Lwow. This Society collected books, manuscripts and graphic art, and in 1823 it was united with the Lubomirski art collection. In 1818 the Picture Gallery of the Academy of Fine Arts was founded in Cracow. The reprisals which followed the defeat of the 1830-31 insurrection in Tsarist-annexed Polish territory were also visited upon the collections of Warsaw University and the Warsaw Philomatic Society, Both of them were carried away to Russia. But in the second half of the nineteenth century (almost on the eve of a new armed rising) two new important institutions for the furthering of art and collecting were formed in Warsaw: the Society for the Encouragement of Fine Arts (Towarzystwo Zachęty Sztuk Pięknych) in 1861, and the Museum of Fine Arts in 1862. The organization of the Museum, however, was arrested in its earliest stages by the outbreak of the insurrection, and the period of increased oppression which followed it did not favour the development of the institution. Reprisals from the Tsarist Government affected all parts of the "Congress Kingdom" as well as the former eastern provinces of the ancient Polish Commonwealth. Both private and public collections were confiscated and were taken away to Russia. Since then collectors have been most active in the lands under Austrian rule, mainly in Cracow. Their work was also much helped by numerous Polish emigres abroad. In France, the Czartoryski collection from Pulawy was housed in the Hotel Lambert in 1831, and the Polish Library was founded in Paris in 1838. In Switzerland a Polish Museum was founded by WI. Plater at Rapperswil in 1870.
In the second half of the nineteenth century there was a marked increase of intellectual activity in all three parts of Poland, whether under Russian, Prussian or Austrian rule. This vitality expressed itself in the founding of new scientific societies, like the Wilno Archreological Committee with the Museum of Antiquities in 1855, the Poznan Philomatic Society in 1857, the Cracow Academy of Science and Letters, which arose from the old Philomatic Society, in 1872, and so on. At the same time municipal authorities in towns and provinces became aware of and interested in the existence of these collections. Results of this were the creation of the Municipal Museum of Torun in 1861, the Municipal Industrial Museum of Cracow in 1868, the Municipal Museum of Applied Art at Lwow in 1874, the municipally-owned National Museum of Cracow in 1879, the Municipal Historical Museum of Lwow in 1892-93, the Provincial Museum (later called the Muzeum Wielkopolskie) at Poznań in 1893, which is owned by the Provincial Federation of Poznania and the municipality of Poznan, the Town National Gallery at Lwow in 1894 and the Historical Museum at Cracow in 1898. The creation of institutions like these was possible only under Prussian and Austrian rule; the territories annexed by Tsarist Russia lacked all municipal organization and the few existing collections were entirely dependent on public generosity-though that was never appealed to in vain. It created the Museum of Industry and Agriculture in 1875, for instance, the Museum of Crafts and Applied Art in 1891, and the Majewski Museum of Archeology, also in 1891all of them in Warsaw. In this part of Poland the first decade of the twentieth century stimulated still further a strong instinctive interest in collections of an ethnographic and prehistoric character, and these were also fostered both by scientific associations and by the numerous branches of the Topographical Society (Towarzystwo Krajoznawcze) organized throughout the country. All these activities were, of course, carried on quite independently of the ruling authorities.  .
A separate group, and one which does not fall under the head of" collections" in the strict sense of the word, was that formed by church treasuries, some of them very rich, particularly those belonging to cathedrals and monasteries. These were great storehouses of ecclesiastical art, and of treasures of decorative art destined for liturgical use. In the nineteenth century these riches, which were for the most part free gifts, partly fell a prey to the church policy of the partitioning Powers. They were either confiscated by the Tsarist Government after the Polish risings, along with the property of public institutions, or dispersed when the religious houses were abolished by the Prussian Government in 1819, and by the Russians in the "Congress Kingdom" in 1819 and 1864.
More recently hostilities, which in Polish territory lasted without a break for almost seven years (1914-21), had devastating effects on collections and museums. It was only after peace was concluded that a new era of development in the restored Polish State could be hoped for. That State's first act in the matter was the Treaty of Riga, signed with Soviet Russia in 1921, which contained an article stipulating that the Soviet Government should restore to the Republic of Poland all cultural possessions such as archives, libraries, works of art, which had been forcibly carried away to Russia between 1772 and 1920. This article of the treaty was, however, never fully carried out. Nevertheless, what Poland regained after 1921 formed the nucleus of the State Art Collections, comprising in the main: the furnishings of the Warsaw Castle and the Lazienki Palace (some 5,000 items), militaria originally taken from Government buildings, the Arsenal, Churches and so on (housed after their return in the Army Museum and in the castles of Warsaw and Cracow), well over a hundred Brussels tapestries of the middle sixteenth century (Cracow Castle), the Gallery of Modern Polish Painting (some 1,000 items, in Warsaw), the numismatic collections (some 22,000 items, in Warsaw), collections of graphic art, bronze pieces, sculptures, paintings, and other valuable works of art.
During their short existence of less than a score of years these State art collections were considerably enlarged, and Government purchases for them may be grouped under three main headings: (1) the further furnishing of the historic castles of Warsaw and Cracow by works of Gothic, Renaissance, and Early Baroque art (including decorative arts); (2) the creation of a collection of modern Polish painting and graphic art; (3) the enrichment of the collection of militaria illustrating the history of Polish arms. Apart from these collections, which were mostly grouped in Cracow and Warsaw, the State also owned a number of others-like the Silesian Museum of Katowice (founded in 1928, and in 1934 already in possession of collections totalling 64,000 items) and the Museum of Archaeology in Warsaw.
According to the data for 1936, which correspond fairly well with the state of things in 1939, Poland had, inclusive of scientific university collections, twenty Government museums, thirty-five municipal, sixty-two which belonged to public institutions, eight diocesan and eleven private museums accessible to the general public-in all 134. Municipal museums and those owned by public institutions thus far outnumbered those owned by the State, this being a natural consequence of the conditions of development previously mentioned. Until recently, also, municipal and private collections by the sheer quality of their exhibits took first place. For among the richest museums in Poland, with interests comprising not only the entire artistic life of the country but also the cultural achievements of the whole world, two were municipal institutions, the National Museums of Warsaw and Cracow, and two were private property, the Czartoryski Museums at Goluchów and Cracow. But the important Government purchases made for the Warsaw and Cracow Castles somewhat redressed the balance.
The most characteristic feature of museum history in Poland during the last twenty pre-war years of peace and comparative prosperity was an enthusiastic development which found expression in (1) new foundations and the enlargement of old ones; (2) a tendency to work for the rational unification of homogeneous collections; (3) the reorganizing of museum work on modern scientific lines; (4) training of qualified museum staffs; (5) publications and exhibitions. The most visible proof, however, of the favourable conditions for museum work in independent Poland is to be found in the erection of a number of new modern museum buildings, undertaken within a few years by four institutions: the National Museum of Warsaw (1922), the Silesian museum at Katowice (1928), the National Museum of Cracow (1934), and the Museum of Polish Pomerania at ToruIi (1936). The National Museum of Warsaw had already achieved its aim and transferred itself to the new edifice in 1936 ; the others were in process of building, and on the eve of completion, when the war broke out.
The history of museums and collections in Poland thus shows that great efforts were made in this direction by royalty and the great families of the nobility in the old days, by the whole people together with the State and municipal authorities in modern times; so that if Poland could not boast collections as rich as those of mightier European States, it was not for lack of endeavour, but because her possessions were again and again looted and destroyed, as has been the case in this war.

THE PRESENT

BOTH Government and private circles had, for several years before the German invasion, devoted much attention to the question of SAFEGUARDING, MUSEUMS AND COLLECTIONS in the event of a war. A plan for the international protection of memorials and works of art, which had been drawn up by the Office International des Musees, and had in July 1937 been accepted by the Commission Internationale de Cooperation Intellectuelle, was the startingpoint of their considerations. This plan the Assembly of the League of Nations had, in August 1938, turned over to the Netherlands Government, which had undertaken to conduct negotiations with other governments and to call a diplomatic conference. The plan was based on the idea that all States are equally interested in the preservation of art treasures, and that the loss of a work of art, belonging to any nation whatever, is a gap in the spiritual heritage of all mankind. The new convention, to be based on The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, was made necessary by the altered conditions of modern warfare. It was to lay upon all Governments an obligation to ensure respect for works of art and memorials by the issue of special instructions to their troops, by preventing pillage, and so on. The plan provided for the creation of special storehouses for works of art and national treasures, these storehouses to be under the control of international commissions, and to be immune from offensive action during hostilities, and from any other activities of an occupying Power. In particular, the convention stipulated that no national treasure or work of art could be made an object of enemy reprisals. Unfortunately, this convention was not signed by the year 1939, so that at the outbreak of war Poland had not been able to form the intended special storehouses under international control, since their formation before the signature of the convention might have meant the dispersal of the whole country's most valuable art treasures. Each museum therefore sought to safeguard its collections individually and in accordance with local conditions. The Silesian Museum was evacuated to Lublin, at the outbreak of war; the Czartoryski Museums of Cracow and Goluchow sent their most valuable possessions (including pictures by Raphael, Leonardo da Vinci, and Rembrandt, jewels, goldsmiths' work and coins) to Sieniawa in the voivodship of Lwow, and there walled them up in previously prepared underground vaults. Part of the collection of Kórnik near Poznan (miniatures, illuminated manuscripts, and so on) were taken to the Zamoyski Library in Warsaw, some of the objects from the Gniezno Cathedral Treasury and Library were entrusted to the Dominican Friars at Lublin, a Rubens from the church of St. Nicholas at Kalisz was sent to the National Museum in Warsaw. The famous high altar of Our Lady's church in Cracow, the work of Veit Stoss (Wit Stwosz), among the city's most valuable treasures, was taken to pieces - the larger sculptures were carried in three barges to Sandomierz and were there deposited in the cathedral, while the smaller fragments were hidden in private houses in Cracow. Many other collections and works of art were similarly treated. Numerous private collections in western and south-western Poland were taken to the central provinces; for example, the Tarnowski family's collections from Sucha, Dzikow and Dukla, the Bninskis' collection from Samostrzele, the Skorzewski's from Czerniejewo, the Potockis' from Krzeszowice, and so on. Many privately owned objects were entrusted to the National Museum in Warsaw, the National Museum in Cracow, and the Lubomirski Museum in Lwow; others were placed in the houses of related families. No plan was made to send such objects abroad, and we know only two cases of such exportation: (1) The eleventh-century Coronation sword and the magnificent collection of 125 arrases made for King Sigismund Augustus in 1556, as well as a number of valuable historical relics, all belonging to the Polish State collections, have left the country, as also (2) a number of valuable objects from the Sanguszko residence at Gumniska. The remaining museums and collections, whether public or private, did their best to safeguard their buildings and property on the spot. The National Museum in Warsaw packed a great part of its collections in hundreds of previously prepared cases and stored them in its cellars. The same was done with the collections of the National Museum in Cracow, with the treasury of the Cracow Cathedral, the Lubomirski collections at Przeworsk, and the Branickis' at Wilanow. Other private collections in country residences such as Nieborow and Jablonna, were left in their usual places, as also were some in towns-for instance, those of the Zamoyski, Krasinski and Przeździecki families in Warsaw.

• • •

The LOSSES OCCASIONED BY HOSTILITIES are enormous and irreparable, although the chief public and private collections were comparatively little effected.
The losses directly due to hostilities were greatest in Warsaw. At the ETHNOGRAPHIC MUSEUM fire destroyed practically the whole of a collection consisting of several thousand objects brought together in the course of decades by scientists and collectors from all corners of Poland, and truly representative of the whole nation. It had contained a rich selection of all branches of popular art and handicrafts ; dresses and textiles, embroideries, pottery, paintings on glass, objects of wood, metal and leather, musical instruments, household goods, furniture, ceremonial objects, and so on. The museum's inventories, with their drawings, water-colours, photographs, and manuscript catalogues were also destroyed. The destruction of the collections representative of foreign and exotic ethnography must also be accounted a serious loss. The museum had possessed good Spanish, Rumanian, Jewish, and Gipsy sections, not only valuable in themselves, but also because they were the fruit of Polish scientists' and collectors' work. Part had even been contributed by exiles in Siberia. All this was burnt during the last days of the September bombardment, when salvage work was impossible owing to lack of water and the- overcrowding of the museum building by refugees from the Old Town quarter.
The most serious loss suffered by Polish art and science is the tragic destruction of the Zamoyski and Przeździecki collections, which also fell a prey to fire in the last days of the bombardment. The ZAMOYSKI MUSEUM with the Zamoyski archives and library not only gave a picture of the family's splendid patronage of science and art ever since the middle of the sixteenth century, but also bore witness to great pages in the nation's political, educational and scientific history. The museum had contained relics of the Zamoyski family, particularly of Chancellor Jan Zamoyski (1541-1605), of the kings: Sigismund Augustus, Stephen Bathory, Sigismund III and John Sobieski, of the hetmans: Zolkiewski and Czarniecki, and of the national heroes: Kosciuszko and Prince Joseph Poniatowski. In addition to this, the museum had possessed an armoury comprising a number of rare pieces and a valuable collection of decorative art, more particularly a splendid selection of pottery. In the numismatic section were to be found almost complete sets of coins of the Piast and Jagellonian dynasties, some of them unique, a large collection of imprints from antique gems and a valuable set of medals. The section of graphic art contained a rich collection of art publications and eighteenth century prints.
All this, together with the archives, formed an invaluable source for the study of four centuries of Polish culture. Only a small part of the material had hitherto been utilized, so that many pages of that history will now never be written.
The PRZEZDZIECKI COLLECTION also formed a whole, complete with library and archives, giving a picture of many aspects of Polish history and more particularly of that of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. They contained a gallery of pictures by Polish and foreign artists, some of which were saved, though they are so much damaged that their artistic value has been almost entirely destroyed. The fire also destroyed the furnishings; bronzes, clocks, chandeliers, furniture, carpets, collections of Dresden, Berlin, Viennese and Polish china-mostly museum pieces, as well as a collection of militaria and a collection of some 10,000 important prints and drawings.
The new buildings of the NATIONAL MUSEUM in Warsaw suffered considerable damage through incendiary and explosive bombs, as well as through artillery action. The bulk of its collections which had been placed in the cellars was saved, but losses were nevertheless severe, especially as regards antique furniture, Far Eastern art, and Egyptian antiquities.
The building of the Warsaw SOCIETY FOR THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF FINE ARTS (usually called tbe "Zachęta") was seriously damaged by an explosive bomb and by artillery shells. Several score of pictures belonging to the Society (nineteenth-century Polish art) and a number of private deposits were destroyed.
The collections of the Warsaw MUSEUM OF ARTS AND CRAFTS were almost wholly destroyed by artillery action. They had consisted mainly of a large collection of Polish pottery comprising rare and unique specimens. The antique furniture and the collection of metal-work were also lost and the building itself was seriously damaged.  .
The collection belonging to COUNT EDWARD RACZYNSKI, Polish Ambassador in London, was destroyed almost entirely, together with the beautiful house which was its home, and with which it had formed a splendidly blended whole. It had been, as it were, a memorial of the cultural traditions of several eminent Polish families, the Czapskis, the Malachowskis, Krasinskis and Raczynskis, from the middle of the eighteenth century onward. The finest part of the collection was the picture gallery, containing some 300 works by Holbein, Murillo, Ribera, Guercino, Spagnoletto, Jordaens, Teniers, Bloomert, Honthorst, Netscher, Bol, G. Metsu, Van Dyck and others. Unfortunately it had never been exhaustively catalogued or studied by art historians.
The collection of DR. BRYNDZA-NACKI, the beginnings of which dated back to the second half of the eighteenth century, and whose Flemish and Dutch pictures were particularly interesting, was totally destroyed by fire. It contained paintings by F. Mieris, P. Claes, Hondius, Fyt, A. van Ostade, Ruysdael, and others. The pictures of EDWARD NATANSON met with the same fate. It was only a small collection-some ninety paintings, but it was graced by the works of Bronzino, Guido Reni, P. Breughel, Boucher, a portrait of A. K. Czartoryski by Gainsborough (painted in 1761), and a number of valuable Polish pictures by Brodowski, Michalowski, Chelmonski, Grottger, Siemiradzki, Wyspianski and others.
It is quite impossible to register here all the collections destroyed in the bombardment of Warsaw. The larger ones are numbered by tens, the smaller ones by the hundred. We have named only some of the largest and finest.
Not only lack of space but also the impossibility of securing reliable information at the present time forbids our making any attempt at listing the damage caused by hostilities in the country-in smaller towns, in country residences and manor-houses. We will content ourselves with noting the considerable losses suffered by the museum of the WILNO PHILOMATIC SOCIETY during the shelling of the city by the Germans in June 1941.

1. Nazi Policy in the" Generalgouvemement"

That the Germans possessed a detailed plan concerning Polish public and private museums and collections, as well as other art treasures, was abundantly proved even during the first months of ENEMY OCCUPATION. The studies carried on for so many years by German scholars, especially those of Breslau and Koenigsberg, appeared in a new light. At Koenigsberg Professor Dr. Karl Heinz Clasen had with his university collaborators made a special study of Poznanian and Pomeranian art. At Breslau Professor Dr. Dagobert Frey had organized a university institute for the study of Eastern European art and had shown a particular interest in Silesia, central, southern, and eastern Poland. Both these scientists had considerable means at their disposal and their many journeys to Poland had given them a detailed knowledge of the country's art treasures. In the domain of prehistoric research similar studies were diligently pursued by a group of scholars headed by Professor Dr. Ernst Petersen, Director of the Institute of Prehistoric Studies at Breslau and recently professor of Rostock University.
It seems that these gentlemen must have been nominated to their war functions even before the outbreak of hostilities, for they appeared in Poland immediately on the occupation of her territory. Professor Frey at once arrived in Cracow and then toured the "Generalgouvernement" territory, giving detailed information on its art possessions, issuing instructions for the removal to Germany of such objects, and then collaborating in the organization of the Institut fur Deutsche Ostarbeit (Institute for German Work in the East) in Cracow, in April 1940. At its inauguration he gave a lecture on German architecture in Poland. In museums and collections Professor Frey made no bones about exploiting his pre-war research, occasionally demanding the laying before him of objects as yet uncatalogued to which he had been given access as a student. Professor Clasen took over the task of turning Poznan University into a German one and simultaneously accepted the duties of State Curator of museums and antiquities for Poznania and Polish Pomerania. Professor Petersen carried out an inspection of archaeological museums and in November 1939 supervised the removal of the collections of the Warsaw State Museum of Archaeology. Breslau scientists form an important proportion of the collaborators in the Office of the" Special Commissioner for Requisitioning and Safeguarding Works of Art" (Der Sonderbeauftragte fuer Erfassung und Sicherstellung der Kunstgegenstaende). Apart from those already named, the most eminent member of that office is Dr. Gustav Barthel, Director of the Breslau Museums and editor of the periodical Die Hohe Strasse (Schlesische Jahrbuecher fuer deutsche Art und Kunst im Ostraum) ("Silesian Yearbook of German Life and Art in the Eastern Space”).
The attempt to safeguard collections by evacuation and hiding as Polish authorities and private owners had done proved on the whole unsuccessful, both because of the occupation of the entire territory of the country and because of German brutality and a widely developed spy service. At Sandomierz the Germans demanded the Veit Stoss altar of Our Lady's church from Cracow as early as the middle of September, and they brought with them those who had been employed in packing it. At Sieniawa a sworn mason told the Gestapo representatives the hiding-places of the Czartoryski collection and the Goluchow treasures as soon as the first German units appeared. All the valuables were immediately stolen, and it proved impossible to find out which units had committed the act, so that later searches gave no results, even though they were conducted by the German authorities. This must be accounted one of the most grievous losses sustained, for the plunder included objects of quite exceptional value, such as a set of famous twelfth to sixteenth-century Limoges enamels and a magnificent collection of antique, mediaeval and Renaissance goldsmiths' work, coins, invaluable Polish historical relics, and a large number of engravings by Duerer, L. van Leyden, and others. The pictures and other remaining objects were later brought to Cracow to be confiscated and stored. The collections of the Silesian Museum were fetched from Lublin by Dr. F. Pfutzenreiter, Director of the Beuthen (Bytom) Museum, who had in his possession the bills of carriage from Katowice. The Tarnowskis at Sucha were forced by threats to disclose the fact that their collections were at Kozłówka.
Apart from losses directly due to hostilities, Polish collections suffered considerably from depredations committed by German police, military persons and administrative officials, both during hostilities and for some months after. We mean here such acts of pillage as were done for private profit, and which still occur at the moment of writing, although on a more limited scale. We shall discuss these at more length when treating of individual collections. In addition to this, there were losses arising from wilful destruction, which we shall also discuss later. Losses by private pillage are the more grievous in that probably only a small part of the stolen objects will be rediscovered in the future. The names of the pillagers are unknown, and it will not be easy to find out what has become of their booty.
The previously mentioned Office, at whose head is der Sonderbeauftragte fuer Erfassung und Sicherung der Kunst-und Kulturschuetze (Special Commissioner for the Requisitioning and Safeguarding of Treasures of Art and Culture), is the German Government's official medium for the official pillage of Polish public and private collections. It forms part of the civil administration, and the Commissioner, Staatsekretaer (Secretary of State) Dr. Kai Muehlmann, though attached to the Governor-General's office in Cracow, has autonomous powers.
His permanent and chief collaborator is Dr. Gustav Barthel, of Breslau, already mentioned. Others were (or are) Dr. Mayer (Breslau), Dr. Kuedlich (Vienna), Dr. Polhammer and Dr. Demmel, both of Vienna; also Dr. Troschke, who was at the same time acting as one of the inspectors of the Oświęcim concentration camp. The office in Cracow directed activities in general, and also carried out the seizure of collections in that town and in the south of the "Generalgouvernement." For Warsaw and the north, an assistant commissioner was nominated, Dr. Josef Muehlmann of Linz, brother of the Special Commissioner. He was helped by an antique dealer, Dr. Kraus of Vienna. During the first three months of German occupation (the main seizures of public collections having then been already for the most part effected), activities in Warsaw and in the immediate vicinity were mainly carried on by Gestapo officials, one of them being Dr. Paulsen, university professor of prehistoric studies and Untersturmfuehrer of the Gestapo. The methods of the Gestapo men were marked by particular and systematic brutality towards collections, museum staffs, and private owners. There is not the slightest doubt that they are utterly devoid of any scruple concerning their share in the work of pillaging and plundering Polish museums and collections. Their actions are flagrantly contrary not only to international law, but also to the basic principles of museum theory, so that they can only be explained (a) by rapacity on behalf of German collections, (b) by political instructions aimed at destroying all traces of Polish culture. There is no similarity between their acts and, let us say, the restoring of the Van Eyck altar to Ghent by the Versailles Treaty, for the objects confiscated in Poland had never been carried off from Germany, and had in most cases no connection whatever with that country. A particularly plain instance of this is the carrying off from Cracow of the Veit Stoss altar, which had been carved in Cracow for a church in that town.
Pillage and destruction of Polish collections were the obvious programme of the German authorities from the very first days of their entry, often without any regard to German profit. At first no effort was even made to create some semblance of legality. No receipts were given, and protests of owners or curators against such methods met with the retort that totalitarian war is waged in every field. Reprisals were also a frequent answer.
The creation of a semblance of legality was first attempted by the issuing of the Governor-General's decree of November 15th, 1939, which announced the confiscation of the "former Polish State's property" throughout the "Generalgouvernement" (Verordnungsblatt des Generalgouverneurs, Nr. 6). This decree included State property in the form of art and national relics, contrary to the stipulations of clause 56 of The Hague Convention of 1906, which regulates the rights and usages of land warfare, and requires such objects to be treated like private property, even when they belong to the State. A month later, on December 16th, 1939, the Governor-General issued a decree concerning the confiscation of works of art, including decorative arts (Verordnung ueber die Beschlagnahme von Kungstgegenstaenden im Generalgouvernement). This decree says:
All publicly-owned objects of art in the Generalgouvernement which are not already subject to the ruling of the decree of November 15th, 1939, concerning the confiscation of the property of the former Polish State, are herewith confiscated for purposes conducing to the common weal.
Apart from “art collections and objects of art which formed the property of the former Polish State." the following are also considered "publicly-owned objects of art": (1) private collections designated by the Special Commissioner fuer die Erfassung und Sicherung der Kunst- und Kulturschaetze ; (2) all objects of art owned by churches, with the exception of those needed for daily service. (Verordnungsblatt des Generalgouverneurs, Nr. 12). The decree further ordered all owners and curators of such objects or collections to notify their possessions within three months, threatening severe penalties for noncompliance. The first executive decision for this decree, dated January 15th, 1940 (Verordnungsblatt des Generalgouverneurs, Teil H., Nr. 6), shortened the time-limit for registration to February 15th, 1940, and declared that all objects of artistic value dating before 1850 come under its ruling. The following objects were specified more particularly:
(a) Paintings; (b) sculptures; (c) products of decorative art such as antique furniture, china, glass, goldsmiths' and silversmiths' work, tapestries, carpets, needlework, lace, vestments, etc.; (d) drawings, engravings and woodcut prints, etc.; (e) rare manuscripts, music manuscripts, autographs, hand-painted books, miniatures, prints and books, bookbindings, etc. ; (f) weapons, pieces of armour, etc.; (g) coins, medals, seals, etc.
Two later decrees also partly affect museums and collections. They are: the decree of July 23rd, 1940 (Verordnungsblatt des Generalgouverneurs, Teil 1., Nr. 48) concerning societies, and that of August 1st, 1940 (Verordnungsblatt des Generalgouverneurs, Teil 1., Nr. 50) concerning the law on foundations. By these, almost all Polish societies have been dissolved, and an end has been put to the activity of foundations. Their large collections are to become the property of the "Generalgouvernement," which means that they are exposed to dispersal, or even to destruction.
The decree of December 16th is an even more glaring violation of the rulings of The Hague Convention than that of November 15th, 1939. Clause 52 of the Convention expressly limits an occupying Power's requisitioning rights to objects needed by the army, thus of course excluding all works of art. Clause 46 forbids the confiscation of private property. Clause 56 states; "Municipal, ecclesiastical, charitable, educational, artistic and scientific objects shall be treated like private property, even if they belong to the State" ; that is to say they may not be confiscated. Furthermore:" Any seizure, destruction, or intentional degradation of such institutions, of historical monuments, of works of art or science, is forbidden and must be punished." Thus everything is reversed. The Hague Convention had granted even State collections the rights of private property in order to safeguard cultural values; but the Governor-General's decree treats even private and Church property as public. Since the Hague Convention was also signed by Germany, these decrees and the resulting action must be regarded as wholly lawless.
It must be stressed that the major confiscations were carried out before the issuing of these decrees. The National Museum and the Czartoryski Museum of Cracow, the National Museum, the Army Museum, the State Museum of Archaeology, the Society for the Encouragement of Fine Arts (all of these in Warsaw), and many others, were already despoiled between October and December 1939. The Veit Stoss altar was also carried off at this time. These acts were not based on any written orders to the owners and curators, nor even on any specific oral declaration. People were simply informed that such and such objects or parts of a collection would be removed. No explanation was given as to whether this was to be a confiscation or a provisional seizure. The decrees themselves also contain contradictions and doubtful passages. They order confiscation, but the chief of the confiscating office bears the title of "Special Commissioner for the Requisition and Safeguarding of Works of Art and Culture." There may have existed some vague idea of providing for a future attempt at justification by representing the matter, not as confiscation and pillage within the meaning of international law, but as a real safeguarding of works of art and national memorials in time of hostilities; but the Cracow collections did not need to be transferred from their buildings for such a purpose, since these had not sustained any damage and the presence of the entire museum staff was sufficient guarantee of proper care. As for the Warsaw museum buildings, these had suffered damage, more or less, but, nevertheless, the collections were best safeguarded by their own staffs, who were thoroughly acquainted with them, had remained on the spot during the siege, and continued at their posts after the entry of the occupying forces. Besides, the buildings had received proper attention, and those collections which had survived were in no danger there. German methods of packing and transport are proof enough that their actions were not dictated by any solicitude for the fate of art treasures and relics. Museum pieces were placed in leaky cases and transported in open lorries during wet autumn and winter weather. They were packed by inexpert hands, which caused much damage. Often objects were heaped in cars unpacked and quite unprotected. In many instances no list was made, and reprisals were threatened for any attempt to make one. The selection was frequently made simply by Gestapo men.
The promulgation of the confiscating decrees had specific and highly dangerous consequences: Germans in uniform began to visit private houses and to carry out "confiscations" on their own and for their personal profit, always quoting the published decrees. Mostly they carried away carpets, sometimes pieces of furniture, more rarely works of art proper. The plague of these thefts lasted in Warsaw for about two months.
Despite the duty of registering works of art which the decree sought to enforce, the office of the Special Commissioner received very few notifications, not more than a dozen or so. The owners of some of the requisitioned collections lodged protests with the Governor-General, but they never received any reply. Here, as elsewhere, we find the chaos characteristic of Nazi organization, which is the more striking in that its regulations are usually very detailed and cover a wide field. The confiscation of works of art and historic relics was instituted without any semblance of legal foundation: then decrees were issued in order to create that semblance; and then their rulings were not observed. By these decrees all public collections should be considered confiscated in their entirety; yet it was precisely after their publication that the extent of confiscations was in general no more enlarged. Nor was any action taken to bring about a more complete registration of private collections, and they were plundered only on the basis of information supplied by German historians of art. Then, since approximately the middle of May, 1940, that is, since the attack on Belgium, Holland and France, German interest in Polish possessions of this kind began to dwindle perceptibly and then almost to cease. The possibility of further" legalised" (as the Germans consider it) pillage, of course exists all the time.

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During the first period, which began with the entry of German troops, as well as during the second, which followed the confiscating degrees, there was a marked difference in the treatment meted out to the" Generalgouvernement's" two chief centres of intellectual life, WARSAW AND CRACOW. This is undoubtedly no accident, but the result of explicit instructions. Only Church property suffered greater depredations in Cracow than in Warsaw-public collections were robbed far less brutally here, and private property (with the exception of Jewish belongings) was respected. Not only were there no confiscations at private residences and flats, but no inspection was even made. Warsaw was treated with far greater severity, probably because of its determined resistance in September 1939. The despoiling of museums and public collections was here carried out on unusually extensive scale; all the larger private collections, and even many small ones in private apartments, were affected.
According to information spread by officials of the German administration during the winter of 1939-40, the confiscations carried out in Warsaw had for their purpose the creation of a great central museum of art and culture in Cracow. Warsaw was to be punished by being deprived of all its collections and reduced to the level of a purely commercial centre. In the spring of 1940 these plans were given up, and it is known that at that time the central German authorities planned to organize in Berlin a great exhibition of "Polish War Booty," where the plunder was to be divided among German museums and collections. The confiscated objects were therefore mostly placed in temporary storage centres, in the new building of the University Library of Cracow and in the storerooms of the Warsaw National Museum. It was probably the beginning of systematic air raids on Germany which brought about the postponement of this exhibition till the end of the war, so that the collections have hitherto for the most part remained packed in these two stores. In June 1941, before the outbreak of war with Russia, their contents were transported (again by the Gestapo) to Maehrisch Truebau, under scandalous conditions and not without new thefts. In the autumn of 1941 these collections were brought back to Cracow.

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Conditions of life in Poland under German occupation are such that it is impossible to make a complete inventory of losses caused by hostilities or by confiscation. Terrorism is at such a pitch that many private owners are afraid even to make a list of their losses, let alone give information about them. The fact that no receipts were given and the making of any notes concerning removal forbidden renders any detailed registration impossible, and this is the more mischievous as many private collections and even some public ones had never been fully studied. This is a further loss for Poland, since history will be deprived of even a description or a copy of some of these lost and destroyed possessions. We must also expect the making of any inventory to become more difficult month by month owing to the huge losses of the intelligentsia; people are dying of sickness and exhaustion in prisons and concentration camps, they have lost their memories, such materials as photographs, family documents, letters and so on are dispersed.
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The description of LOSSES OCCASIONED BY CONFISCATION in Warsaw and Cracow collections, which follows here, should be read merely as a sample of the Occupying Power's conduct.
In CRACOW it was the ecclesiastical collections and treasures which suffered the most painful losses. They were the richest in Poland and had the oldest traditions.
The CATHEDRAL was robbed of the so-called Lance of St. Maurice presented to Boleslas the Brave by the Emperor Otto III in A.D. 1000; of a Sicilian reliquary of the twelfth century; of the famous fourteenth-century ivory box which had been the property of Queen Jadwiga; of numerous gold crosses, monstrances, and chalices of the fifteenth, sixteenth, and eighteenth centuries; of a picture of St. George dating back to the beginning of the seventeenth century. Furthermore, a priceless sixteenth-century vestment (that of Piotr Kmita) was carried off, together with a series of eight Brussels and nine Flemish seventeenth century tapestries, a further series of nine tapestries bearing the Swan coat of arms (first half of the seventeenth century), four individual Gobelins, a carpet given by King John Sobieski, and three richly-illuminated parchment manuscripts.
The CHURCH OF OUR LADY was deprived of the Veit Stoss triptych of which we have already spoken. The altar-case itself was not taken away till April 1940, the church having been closed for a week for that purpose. This triptych, on which Veit Stoss worked in Cracow during the years 1477-89, is the artist's finest work, and exercised very considerable influence on the development of art in Poland, Bohemia and Slovakia at the turn of the fifteenth century. Many studies on the subject have been published by Polish art historians, and ten years ago the sculpture was thoroughly overhauled at State expense, on which occasion the magnificent original Gothic colouring was brought to light and restored. This had been painted over during earlier restorations carried out in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Thereupon, further studies by Polish scholars were published, such as an album with French text (Le Retable de Notre Dame a Cracovie, by Professor Tadeusz Szydlowski, Paris, 1935). The masterpiece of Veit Stoss was thus not only duly valued and safeguarded, but its beauty was also made familiar to the whole world in various publications. We do not know what has become of it in Germany. In the autumn of 1940 there was an exhibition of photographs of it at the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, but no part of the work itself was shown. In addition to this, the church also suffered the loss of nine pictures by Hans Suess of Kulmbach, an act as unwarranted as the first, since Suess, Duerer's best pupil, painted them during his stay in Cracow, about A.D. 1515, as a commission for the Cracow Church. Four fifteenthcentury Gothic chalices and eight seventeenth-century Baroque chalices were taken from the church treasury.
Four further pictures by Hans Suess of Kulmbach (also painted in and for Cracow) were taken from the CHURCH OF ST. FLORIAN, together with the so called Gruenwald Reliquary (Gruenwald is the usual Polish name for Tannenberg) of Commander de Bode, A.D. 1360.
In December 1940, a series of eleven Gothic stained-glass windows, dating back to the turn of the fourteenth century, were taken from the DOMINICAN ABBEY. They had once formed part of the cloisters.
The CHURCH OF THE BERNARDINES was robbed of a carving representing St. Anne with the Virgin and Child by Veit Stoss.
The armoury of the ROYAL CASTLE on Wawel Hill was put in the storerooms of the new building of the University Library. It is not known whether this signifies confiscation or whether it was merely done to make room. The rest of the Castle collections was left untouched, to serve as furnishings for the Governor-General's residence. These furnishings were further supplemented by objects confiscated elsewhere. It seems that some of the furniture from Warsaw Castle found its way here; for instance, a set of Kielce furniture, upholstered in Cordovan leather and dating from the second half of the eighteenth century.
The chief losses suffered by the NATIONAL MUSEUM of Cracow are through confiscations in the section of Polish mediaeval art. The selection was made by Professor Frey. The more important items are: a polyptychon of A.D. J 504 ("St. John the Almoner "), the chief existing work of the Cracow school of painting of that time, which had been brought some years before from the Cracow church of the Augustine Order. Its donor was Marshal Lanckoronski. Then a Gothic polyptychon from the church of St. Giles in Cracow, a number of Madonna sculptures of the Veit Stoss school, and many other pictures and sculptures. The Polish Medireval Art Section of this museum was the largest and most valuable in Poland. (See Plate 7.)
The Feliks Jasienski branch of the National Museum has ceased to exist.
In September 1939, immediately on the entry of German troops into the city, its director was ordered to give up the keys of the building, and since then none of the museum staff has been admitted inside. As far as is known, the collection was "semi-privately" pillaged, so that there is no hope of ever recovering it. It had consisted of some 15,000 items, mainly specimens of Japanese art, and also collections of Polish and other pictures and prints, textiles, and so on.
Nothing remains, either, of the Barącz branch of the Museum, the contents of which have been used to furnish the Potocki residence at Krzeszowice, (See Plate 14.) This has been confiscated and bestowed by Hitler personally on the Governor-General, so that presumably the furnishings are also considered Dr. Frank's private property. This branch of the National Museum had consisted of a rich collection of carpets and other antique textiles, of antique furniture, armour and decorative art.
The Czapski branch, consisting of a famous collection of coins, the largest 1n Poland, was sealed up, and nothing is known of its fate. The inventories and catalogues of the whole of the National Museum were taken away.
Apart from these confiscations and private thefts affecting whole museum sections, there is an endless, persistent and destructive nibbling at the Museum for pictures and objects of decorative art, for the purpose of decorating German offices and private lodgings. The Germans treat the museum as a storage centre of whose contents they dispose at will, not only for themselves, but also for their wives, as, to make an instance, for Frau Waechter, wife of the Governor of Cracow.
The mind of contemporary Germany and its attitude towards art in Poland was well summed up in the ejection of the National Museum from its premises in the Clothiers' Hall in the autumn of 1940. Since the museum had already been deprived of its two other buildings-those of the Barącz and of the Jasienski branches-the collections were taken from the central rooms (those in the Cloth Hall) to the small house of the Czapski branch. Here all the rooms were filled up with packing-cases, so crowded that there is no possibility of access to anything, and unpacking is out of the question. Part of the collections found no room on these premises, and was stored in the Industrial Museum. There is of course no possibility of any museum work, nor even of a simple safeguarding of the collections.
The CZARTORYSKI MUSEUM of Cracow was robbed, not once, but repeatedly.
We have already mentioned the looting of the inestimable collections stored at Sieniawa, which must be considered irretrievably lost. From the Polish point of view, the dispersal by theft of the large collection of Polish royal jewels and relics is a particularly grievous loss. Its gravity may be realized if we recall that over a hundred years ago the Polish regalia were destroyed by the Prussians, who carried them away from the Castle of Cracow and melted them down, after removing the precious stones.
Objects such as pictures left behind by the first German thieves were later taken to Cracow by German officials and there subjected to successive waves of confiscation, one of which occurred soon after this return, others in June and August 1940. Over a dozen paintings by foreign masters were seized, and the most famous: Raphael's Portrait of a Young Man, Leonardo's Girl With a Weasel, and Rembrandt's Landscape, were taken to Germany, (See Plate 13.) The most valuable tapestries, carpets, antique weapons, sculptures, illuminated manuscripts, and so on, were also confiscated. Thus was an institution laid waste which was among the finest private museums in Europe, and was undoubtedly the most valuable collection of foreign art existing in Poland. The magnificent Czartoryski Museum at Goluchów suffered a similar fate.
Seven unusually valuable carpets were confiscated in the INSTITUTE OF THE HISTORY OF ART of Cracow University. It is said that they have been taken to Vienna. Other objects confiscated here include an original drawing by Veit Stoss (Wit Stwosz), - probably taken to Breslau, as it was selected by Professor Frey and his collaborator, Dr. Sappok - part of the pictures, and mediaeval Polish sculptures, all these being taken to Germany. The rest of the institute's collection was removed to one of the storage centres and there thrown on a heap with the rest.
The POLISH ACADEMY OF SCIENCE AND LETTERS was robbed of part of its prehistoric collection, but part was left untouched. A German curator was, however, appointed, and the Polish staff were given subordinate functions.
The famous and unique Balthasar Behem Codex (known as the Codex pictoratus), dating back to the beginning of the sixteenth century, of which the numerous miniatures illustrate Cracow's contemporary life, has been seized from the UNIVERSITY LIBRARY and carried off to Germany.
The plundering of the Cracow ACADEMY OF FINE ARTs - whose professors had there deposited their private collections -  lasted throughout December 1939. The building was closed and the pictures were used for the decoration of offices or stolen for private profit.
At Cracow, collections in private apartments were in general neither confiscated nor even inspected. Nevertheless, one picture - The Massacre of the Innocents (School of Cranach) - was taken away from a private owner in August 1940, and the numerous collections owned by Jews were, of course, plundered wholesale.

In WARSAW the comparatively few works of art confiscated from church property were taken from thr CATHEDRAL and the DIOCESAN MUSEUM. This is perhaps due to the fact that the Warsaw churches possess few specimens of mediaeval decorative art, and the majority of their  treasures dates from the Baroque period and after, whereas the Office of the Special Commissioner
devotes its attention more particularly to the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. probably under the influence of Professor Frey, who specializes in mediaeval studies.
The painted ceilings of the WARSAW ROYAL CASTLE were stupidly and barbarously destroyed. With the exception of that in the ballroom, representing Chaos, by Bacciarelli, all of them had survived fire and shelling unharmed, but they were smashed to pieces during the demolition of the Castle interior between December 1939 and February 1940. A separate chapter is devoted to this monstrous proceeding. The State Collections in the Castle bad suffered proportionately little loss during hostilities. The most valuable pieces were taken to the National Museum during the fire, and between October and December 1939 the Germans took many of them away to Cracow. But the greater part of the collections had not been moved to the National Museum and had remained in their place. There were hundreds of pictures, much antique furniture (seventeenth to early nineteenth centuries), many objects of decorative art, pottery, glass and the like. The plundering of it all began with the first days of the occupation of Warsaw, and became systematic from October 18th onwards - that is, from the day on which the Governor-General, Dr. Frank. appeared at the Castle with his retinue. More details will be given in the chapter devoted to the Castle. This much may be said here, in order to show the extent of the pillage: that even table-sets, table-linen and kitchen utensils were divided up between various German offices.
The store rooms of the Management of the POLISH STATE COLLECTIONS OF ART, which had been housed in the library wing of the Castle were systematically plundered all through October and November 1939 by the Feldgendarmerie quartered in the Castle and by various German officials - they were finally cleaned out in December of that year. Not a thing remains of several thousand Polish and foreign pictures (including a large part of the Krosnowski Gallery), of engravings, sculptures, manuscripts, archives and the rest. Since the winter of 1939-40 many pictures and antiques from these collections have appeared in the hands of antique dealers and private traders who have acquired them from German functionaries of the lower ranks.
The collections at the LAZIENKI PALACE were, during the siege of Warsaw. mostly transferred to the National Museum, and thence the Germans have taken them to Cracow. Among them were well over a hundred of the most valuable pictures of King Stanislas Augustus, including works by Fr. Bol., B. van der Helst, Fr. Pourbus and others; sculptures, clocks, eighteenth-century furniture, pottery and the like. It is said that Rembrandt's Portrait of a Young Man has been offered as a present to Dr. Frank - nothing is known of the rest. It may well be feared that the collection has been at least in part dispersed, for objects belonging to it are known to be now in private hands at Cracow, having allegedly been bought from antique dealers. Part of the antique furniture of the Palace was parcelled out among German officers' messes and offices, in the autumn of 1939. The chandeliers were taken to the Governor-General's Warsaw residence in the building of the former Czechoslovak Legation.
The works of art in the building of the SEYM and SENATE were in part destroyed, in part stolen, after the German police had taken possession. They had included Matejko's well-known picture, The Constitution of the Third of May.
A collection of plaster casts belonging to the UNIVERSITY OF WARSAW had survived the siege unscathed, but when German police units occupied the university buildings in the first days of October 1939, it suffered much damage, because beds, cupboards and other furniture from a military hospital were stored in the rooms in which it was displayed. In the summer of 1940 this collection was transferred to the main university building and further damaged in the process, quite apart from the damage caused by conditions in its new quarters, which had been rootless since the fire in September 1939. The collection, which had included unusually valuable casts, some of them once owned by King Stanis1as Augustus, must be regarded as wholly destroyed.
The university library's COLLECTION OF PRINTS AND DRAWINGS was in great part taken to Cracow in December 1939. It had been the largest of its kind in Poland, and its importance rivalled that of other European collections. The core of it was the splendid collection of drawings, engravings and architectural designs brought together by Stanislas Augustus, and added to later by such collections as that of the Warsaw Philomatic Society and others.
Confiscations at the Warsaw NATIONAL MUSEUM were far more extensive than at that of Cracow. They were effected between October and December 1939, and the confiscated objects were then sent to Cracow. Nothing certain is known about their further fate. They seem to have been deposited for a time in the building of the University Library, and some of them appear to have been used later for decorating the residence at Krzeszowice. The "legal" side of the matter has not been made clear, for there has been no official decree of confiscation, nor have any receipts been issued.
The collection of Polish mediaeval art, consisting of some scores of pictures and painting, was removed almost without exception.
In the foreign section, about a hundred valuable pictures were carried off. The section of decorative art was despoiled of many thousands of pieces, including fine collections of Italian, Dresden and Polish pottery, or seventeenth century glass-ware, tapestries, textiles, furniture, clocks, snuff-boxes, and so on.
The entire numismatic collection of Polish and foreign coins was carried off.
The foreign section, the finest of its type in Poland, had been one of world-wide importance, and had included Byzantine and Roman coins, as well as Byzantine seals. The Polish section had numbered over twelve thousand specimens, and had been the second most important in Poland, the Czapski collection ranking first. The major part of the prehistoric collection, and all the ethnographic exhibits, were also seized.
In the spring of 1940 the ARMY MUSEUM and the National Museum were fused under the new name of a Warsaw City Museum. Before this, however, in the autumn and winter of 1939, the Army Museum had been deprived of all its antiques, from the oldest up to those of the seventeenth century. These included numerous coats and pieces of armour, firearms and other weapons, many thousand pieces in all. Much was also taken from the Museum Library. Nothing is known of the further fate of these collections. Unfortunately they seem to have been dispersed, part sent to Munich, part to a museum in Bohemia, part left in Cracow. This dispersal renders the possibility of any future reassembling very doubtful.
The STATE MUSEUM OF ARCHAEOLOGY was in October 1939 partly occupied by soldiers. At the beginning of November 1939, there appeared Professor Dr. Ernst Petersen of Rostock, formerly curator of the prehistoric collections at Breslau, in company with Herr Schleif, Director of the Olympia Expedition, and closed the museum doors to the Polish staff. In the course of November these two gentlemen removed several thousand exhibits, such as numerous specimens of the Stone Age, a large number of others in iron, copper and bronze, ivory and amber work, pottery, a collection of Roman, Arabic and mediaeval European coins, also the museum cases, the museum and office furniture, the whole library of special literature, comprising some ten thousand volumes, all the museum catalogues, reports, and so on and so on. In addition, they took away the museum archives and all the private scientific materials of the staff. In September 1940 the museum was ejected from its quarters and the remainder of its collections was transferred to the National Museum.
The Museum of the KRASINSKI LIBRARY was, in the winter of 1939-40, robbed of several score pieces, including two valuable pictures and many works of decorative art in gold, silver, ivory, and other media. In the autumn of 1941 the museum was turned out of the library building.
Unknown German authorities, who did not disclose their identity and failed to give any receipt, in the winter of 1939-40 took away from the salvaged remainder of the ZAMOYSKI LIBRARY some fifty illuminated mediaeval manuscripts, the finest of the collection. After a year they were returned. Over a score of other manuscripts were confiscated.
About the middle of October 1939, the Gestapo took away from the WARSAW SOCIETY FOR THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF THE FINE ARTS (the" Zachęta") several hundred pictures, the greater part of its collection, and transferred them to the National Museum. Part was left behind, including the biggest pictures, which were rolled up. Many other pictures from the collection were taken away for the purpose of decorating German offices and private lodgings, no receipt ever being given. The pictures were carried to the museum under the worst conditions imaginable, in open lorries, without any lists or minutes of the proceedings. The purpose of the action is hard to understand, for these pictures were neither packed nor sent away, but simply left on the spot. Probably this was part of some plan not fully considered and later relinquished-there were many such-but the pictures have not been returned to their owners. In the winter of 1939-40 all the Society's original drawings by foreign artists were confiscated. There were several hundred of them, by French, Italian and Dutch masters. The Society was first closed and then declared to be dissolved.
The MUSEUM OF PHILATELY was confiscated and carried away in its entirety.
As far as we know, this was done by the German postal authorities.
The STATE NUMISMATIC COLLECTION, which numbered many thousand pieces, was confiscated and carried off, after having previously suffered individual acts of pillage.
The whole collection of the CENTRAL INVENTORY OFFICE of the Ministry of Education was taken away. It consisted of twenty to thirty thousand photographic plates, several thousand photographs, many thousand plans of Polish architectural monuments, a card index of all antique immovables in Poland, and a great wealth of material for the study of the history of art in the country. This was in part the collection of the Society for the Protection of Antiquities, in part the twenty years' work of all the Polish curators of antiquities and of many other Polish specialists, commissioned by the Ministry of Education. Only a small part of this great mass of material, accumulated by Polish research work and scientific studies, had been published up to the outbreak of war. It seems that this collection was taken to Cracow. Its materials are utilized for publications by German scientists, the source being naturally not named.
Polish circles have no influence whatever on the fate of works of art in public buildings. It is known that these are frequently moved from place to place, often used to decorate private lodgings, at times later taken away entirely as constituting private property.
Contrary to the state of things in Cracow and other larger towns, in Warsaw and its vicinity many private collections also were confiscated. In some cases receipts were given; often, however, even the regularly constituted official confiscating authorities gave no such receipts, to say nothing of cases of wilful individual robbery. For reasons easily understood, it is not possible to enumerate here the losses thus suffered by private individuals, but they number many thousand items.
Private collections owned by Jews and persons of Jewish origin must for the most part also be considered as having ceased to exist, for only a fraction can have been hidden or transferred to the ghetto-where their tenure IS also extremely uncertain.

+ + +

Under present conditions a registration of COL L E C T I O N S  plundered or confiscated OUTSIDE WARSAW AND CRACOW is very difficult, and it is only possible to mention the most notorious facts.
Ecclesiastical property has suffered most at Plock and Sandomierz, where goldsmiths' work of the late Gothic and early Renaissance period has been taken away, as also have a number of pictures by Cranach, Hans Suess of Kulmbach, and others. The parish church of Bodzentyn (voivodship of Kielce) has been robbed of its monumental triptych, dated 1510, which showed the figure of its donor, Bishop Konarski. This is perhaps the most important piece of Polish painting of that date extant. Moreover, many provincial churches have been deprived of their most valuable mediaeval and Renaissance relics.
King John Sobieski's ancient residence of Wilanow probably ranks first among private sufferers. Here some 400 objects were confiscated, including a hundred pictures from the picture-gallery, a large collection of porcelain, Dresden vases, Limoges enamels, and so on. All the relics of King John Sobieski were also confiscated, including the magnificent inlaid escritoire presented to him by Pope Innocent IX after the victory of Vienna in 1683.
Amongst other collections which have also suffered are those of Prince Radziwill at Nieborow, Count M. Potocki at Jablonna, Prince A. Lubomirski at Przeworsk, Prince Czartoryski at Pelkinia, Count J. Tarnowski at Dzikow, and Count H. Tarnowski at Dukla.
Shortly after the occupation of Lwow by the Germans in 1941, Dr. Kai Miihlmann arrived there with his helpers, including Dr. Behrens of the History of Art Section of the Cracow Institut fuer Deutsche Ostarbeit, and robbed the Ossoliński Institute of the whole of its fine collection of original Duerer drawings, which had been published in reproduction some years before the war. At the demand of the local German authorities, it is proposed to organize a private exhibition of all the most valuable objects in the city's museums, ostensibly for their benefit, but it is to be feared that this has no other purpose than to facilitate the selection of items for further confiscation.

2. Nazi Policy in "Territories Incorporated in the Reich”

Museum collections in the territory "incorporated in the Reich" seem in general to have been left undisturbed, but the Polish staff have been dismissed and Germans employed in their stead. In several cases the Polish directors were arrested. As far as we know, at Poznań in the Muzeum Wielkopolskie, the largest piece of Polish monumental sculpture only was destroyed  - the Wawel Procession by Waclaw Szymanowski. The most valuable part of the Goluchow collection was plundered at Sieniawa, as already described. It is reported that the German Frontier Guard (Grenzschutz) destroyed many works by Polish artists which they found on the spot, and carried off the rest; but this information has not yet been checked. In numerous private collections at country residences great losses have been caused by the Germans installed there in lieu of the rightful owners, for they relegate family relics and Polish works of art to the attics, or simply destroy them. An estate near Wloclawek may serve as an illustration of their proceedings. Here the pictures were cut out of their frames and taken away, antique furniture was used for firewood, and the family archives (which comprised valuable collections from the rising of 1863) were turned to household use. Another instance is to be found in an estate near Inowroclaw, whence a valuable special library (history of art) was taken away to be sold as waste paper.

• • •

Our description has been devoted mainly to the losses suffered by the largest collections, but those of PROVINCIAL MUSEUMS have also been -considerable. About a hundred of them, created by public effort, and belonging to educational and topographical societies, have not only been deprived of all .care and attention, but also partly destroyed by dispersal. The former Polish staff is denied access ; they are turned out of their own premises, their possessions are at the mercy of German administrative officials and police.
We should add here that even those Polish museums which have not been wholly destroyed or confiscated by the Germans are not accessible to the public. The only exception known to us is the. Tatra Museum at Zakopane. It was never closed for a single day, even during hostilities, and it continues to function unhampered; possibly because it is mainly devoted to the folklore and art of the Polish mountaineers, whom the Germans are endeavouring to credit with a separate nationality.
.. ....
In S U M M I NG UP the losses caused by hostilities and by German action during occupation, attention must be drawn to several features.
The DAMAGE TO BUILDINGS for housing collections is very considerable, and is the more painful in that Poland had during the twenty years before 1939 sought passionately to remedy the shortage and neglect occasioned by the period of foreign rule. The great building of the National Museum in Warsaw, which had been opened in 1938, was much damaged and in part destroyed. In the year 1941 some of it was occupied by troops. The eighteenth-century building of the Ethnographical Museum was burnt down, as was also "The Blue House" which had housed the Zamoyski Library and Museum. The building of the Przeździecki Museum and Library was also wholly destroyed by fire, and the Raczynski residence, which had been devoted entirely to that family's fine collections, suffered the same fate. Then there are the losses suffered by the stoppage of work on museums in process of building, such as the National Museum in Cracow and the Pomeranian Museum at Torun. The existing walls and fittings are subjected to the effects of the weather and arc being gradually ruined.
We have already shown how museum collections have suffered not only through hostilities, but by the barbarous methods of the German authorities. The expulsion of museums from their premises, and the enforced transference to other quarters by the most primitive means of transport, at short notice and under quite unsuitable conditions, occasion a certain proportion of loss in the .collections, so that we must consider that even those which have not suffered any confiscation have yet sustained damage if they have had to be moved from their usual place. Such is the case with the Pilsudski Museum, turned out of the Warsaw Belvedere in December 1939, with the National Museum in Cracow, the Ethnographical Museum there, the State Museum of Archaeology in Warsaw, and a number others. Those collections, which have been confiscated, arc bound also to suffer a diminution of their value, even if they are rescued and returned to their owners, for they have been transported carelessly and inexpertly under bad weather conditions, and later often kept in unsuitable places, without proper expert care, so that their state of preservation is likely to deteriorate rapidly. Such treatment lowers the value of works of art, sometimes very considerably.
It is scarcely possible to stress sufficiently the extent of the loss suffered by the destruction of such magnificent museum units as the Warsaw Castle. the Zamoyski and Przeździecki Museums and Libraries, which were of paramount importance in the history of Polish civilization. In them, whole pages of that history have been destroyed, and sources of knowledge closed for ever to students of the past. Many other collections have been broken up by confiscation, which not only means the loss of individual works of art but also causes irreparable damage to collections as such .
......
The full extent of LOSSES SUFFERED BY POLISH PAINTING can be measured by a short summary of the devastation wrought among the monumental paintings so characteristic of Warsaw. We will mention only the two Bacciarelli ceilings in the Ball-room and the Audience Chamber of Warsaw Castle, the ceiling of the Marble Closet painted by Bacciarelli in collaboration with Plersch, the painting by Siemiradzki and Strzalecki in the Warsaw Philharmonic Hall, those by Ch. Carelli and J. Glowacki in the Pac Mansion in Miodowa Street.. The paintings by BacciareIli and Plersch in the Łazienki Palace, those by Zebrowski in the Church of the Bernardine Order, and by K. Marconi in the house of the Warsaw Land Credit Society, all suffered damage.
We have not hitherto mentioned damage caused to church paintings during hostilities. One by Eleterius Siemiginowski in the Church of the Holy Rood can be quoted as an instance, as well as a number of pictures in the Church of All Saints. The losses in nineteenth and twentieth-century paintings are very great. Several large paintings by Matejko have disappeared, his Constitution of the Third of May has probably been destroyed, a number of smaller pictures has been burnt. Many other pictures by eminent Polish artists have been burnt or ruined, including works by Michalowski, Kossak, the Gierymski brothers, and so on.

.• .• .•

Art collections and relics at manor-houses and country residences have doubtless been in great part destroyed, particularly in territory" incorporated in the Reich."
The confiscation of collections belonging to persons of Jewish origin would need a chapter to itself.
Lastly, it is necessary to state that museums and collections are all closed, and that any Polish care for them is rendered impossible, so that further damage and loss must be expected.
The museum staffs have from the very first been helpless and at the tender mercies of the Gestapo. We will only mention the case of Dr. Pajzderski. Director of the Muzeum Wielkopolskie of Poznan, who was arrested in November 1939, held prisoner for several months in the Poznan fort, and at last taken to a concentration camp, where he died. He had never played any part in political life, nor had he ever undertaken any anti-German activities. We refrain from mentioning others, for reasons easily understood.
The German attitude towards Polish culture in general, and museums in particular, is shown by the latest decisions concerning the museum buildings of Cracow and Katowice. The new building of the National Museum at Cracow, which was being erected from funds given by all classes of the people. has been sold by the Cracow municipality (naturally directed by Germans at present) to Dr. Frank, the Governor-General, for the sum of three million zlotys, and turned into a club for German officials and employees. This building was nearing completion when the war broke out. At Katowice, the new building of the Silesian Museum, already far advanced, is to be demolished as the work of a Jewish architect! On its site a German public building is to be erected.
In order to grasp this attitude-unprecedented in modern times-of the Germans towards Polish museums and collections, historic relics and works of art, scientific studies and even scientists, it is necessary once again to emphasize the undoubted fact that the foremost task they have set themselves is the utter destruction of Polish culture and the disorganization of its centres. The intention to profit at Poland's expense ranks second in their plans, and that explains many seemingly incomprehensible actions and apparently senseless orders which cannot result in any immediate gain to the Germans.
Another important characteristic of the present-day German mind is this: that whatever part national interests may play in ordering their actions, they are very much alive to the possibilities of personal profit. The Governor-General himself sets the example, for his "private" residence at Krzeszowice has been furnished and decorated with works of art officially stolen from museums and private owners, which are now considered his "property" Other dignitaries, and even officials of the lower ranks, follow suit.
And it is unfortunately impossible to claim that only the Hitler gang is responsible. We have shown that it is not Gestapo officials and the highest German authorities alone, who take part in pillaging Polish museums and collections, in their wilful and deliberate destruction. The work is directed and carried out by German scholars, university professors and museum specialists.
January, 1942.
 
 

Chapter XI

THE BACKGROUND

ONE by one the preceding chapters have told their tale. What emerges?
Firstly, that, for Poles to-day, a people among the most devout in the world, there is no longer freedom or much possibility of worship: that Polish children and young people can receive no education other than that of the trade or agricultural schools which are to fit them only for slave labour in the field or workshop: that secondary schools and universities are closed, their teachers and professors disbanded, imprisoned and killed to ensure that there shall be no future for Polish intelligence: that libraries, archives and museums are ransacked and their contents scattered, confiscated, destroyed, to make a Nazi holiday, and to obliterate the record and tradition of Poland's cultural achievement: that, for the same reason, every notable building or monument has been either pulled down, defaced or adapted to Nazi convenience: that the bookshops are empty of everything but rubbish or propaganda: that publishing, the press, radio and the films are forcibly Germanized: that, in the land of Wyspianski and Chopin, theatres and concert-halls may provide light, erotic amusement for the degenerate Poles! A great concession, this. As to the artists, lacking studio or materials, market or purchaser, they are helpless.
Secondly, there emerge the most extraordinary facts about the Germans, who appear to act, not only without feeling or justice, but also without fundamental sense. If the situation were not tragic, it would be grimly comic. Nazis in Poland might be Nazis Through the Looking Glass, so wildly contradictory is their behaviour. They want Poland for their Lebensraum, but it is not enough to grab it. The German conscience must be comfortable. Grabbing must be legalised and history made to yield proof of Germany's right to what she takes: hence the busy scholars in uniform digging along the Vistula! By speech and act they further assert and confirm that, in the sheer interest of civilisation, the race of Poles is best expunged. They labour, in ghetto and concentration camp, both enthusiastically and ingeniously, it must be confessed, to compass this desirable end. But if a dark angel were to descend with apocalyptic weapons and say "Whom thou hatest, now utterly destroy," would he be welcome? Not at all. How insipid. What is the use of being the Herrenvolk if you have no one to master, no one to tease, torment, to kick, at last to kill? Besides, once the brains are got out of him, your Pole is useful enough as beast of burden or cog in the machine.
Getting the brains out, along with the soul, is the process so far described in this book. This final chapter-unavoidably condensed by the editors from a very long original-is designed to round out the picture and give some idea of ordinary day to day life as lived by educated Poles, under German occupation.

•••

On September 1st, 1939, General von Brauchitsch, the German Commanderin-Chief, issued a manifesto declaring that: "all the rulings of international law will be respected." That sounded hopeful. Especially when the rulings of Articles 43 and 46 of The Hague Convention of October 18th, 1907 (Convention concernant les lois et les coutumes de la guerre sur terre) are considered. Article 43 enjoins that the authorities in occupied territory should establish order and public life "paying due regard, unless there should be some specific objection, to the laws in use in the country (en respectant sauf empechement absolu, les lois en vigeur dans le pays). Article 46 enjoins that:
"The honour and the rights of the family, the life of individuals and private property, as also the religious convictions and the customs of worship are to be respected."
"Private property cannot be confiscated. "
Germany signed the Convention. Chapters II and III have shown how she kept her word with regard to religion and worship. Let us now see how she implemented the other pledges subscribed to in these Articles .

•••

The Nazi system of government, first of all, involves a lie in principle both in the "Generalgouvernement" and in the territories "incorporated in the Reich." These latter were, by a decree of June 6th, 1940 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 844) made subject to the laws of Germany. But paradoxically and ironically, the protection even of these laws never extended to Poles and Jews in their own land. For them, on December 16th, 1941 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 759) a special penal code was promulgated, by virtue of which death, imprisonment with hard labour and confiscation of property are generously meted out for any remark or action that can be interpreted as anti-German or injurious to "the prestige or welfare of the German Reich or the German people. "(...das Ansehen oder das Wohl des Deutschen Reiches oder des Deutschen Volkes herabsetzen oder schaedigen.) Further, the Public Prosecutor may arrest Poles or Jews at will on the mere suspicion of such transgression. "Right is that which profits the people" - the German people of course (Recht ist was dem Volke Heil bringt). So goes the unctuous slogan. Naturally then, the matter of taxes has received careful attention. A Pole pays income tax on a hundred Reichsmark. No German income under 3,000 Reichsmark is taxed at all. His municipal tax is double that paid by a German and in addition he is forced to contribute to a marvellous special levy "for the reconstruction of the country"! In the “Generalgouvernement" Polish law is nominally still valid. But Hitler's decree of October 12th, 1939 (Reichsgesetzblatt I, p. 2077) adds the qualification - if it is not contrary to the interests of the Reich. In any case, the Governor-General can and does make any ruling in any situation that he wishes. No fewer than 29 decrees issued by him in 1940 provide far punishment by impossible fines, confiscation, prison with hard labour, or death. His vast and willing executive includes the" Security Police " (Sicherheitspolizei), itself composed of the Kriminalpolizei and the Gestapo, i.e. "Secret State Palice" (Geheime Staatspolizei), the regular Police (Ordnungspolizei), the Protective Police or Schupo, as well as the uniformed "Self Defence Corps" (Selbstschutz), the plain clothes "Special Force" (Sonderdienst) and lastly the all-powerful National Socialist Party with its armed farces, the S.A. and the S.S. In fact, the German system of government can be summed up in the word terrorism, directed in the territories "incorporated in the Reich" to the extinction of the Polish race, and in the "Generalgouvernement," less openly and more cunningly, to the same end.
"Order," we see, is well looked after. As for "public life" the reader will have certainly gathered from the foregoing chapters what is the truth, that it has virtually ceased to exist. All associations, literary, musical or artistic societies, business companies, trade unions, sports clubs were dissolved in the “Generalgouvernement" immediately after the cessation of hostilities. In the territories "incorporated in the Reich" they died automatically of the terror. Bank accounts were frozen, Polish firms liquidated or handed over, complete with funds, to German "trustees," every form of social or communal activity forbidden - except attendance at the "light" entertainment of cinema or theatre so benevolently provided by the authorities (see Chapter XV). So much far Article 43 of The Hague Convention.

+ + +

Article 46 attempted rather to provide some sort of safeguard for the private life of the individual in occupied country. Now, what to the British mind constitutes the private life of the individual? Roughly speaking, freedom to work and to choose work, freedom to marry and rear a family and build a home, freedom to worship, to bring up your children, to enjoy your leisure and the fruits of your labour as you will, to eat and sleep, to dress, to go about your affairs and behave as suits your inclination, your means and the society in which you live. Such a conception of life is nothing now in Poland but a remembered dream. Particularly far the educated classes, who are systematically discredited, as agricultural labourers and factory workers are stepped up. In the territories  “incorporated in the Reich," for instance, where in fact civil servants, teachers, University professors, museum curators and other members of the liberal professions are almost entirely unemployed, a tax of 15-20 per cent. of gross earnings is imposed on Polish nationality. But agricultural labourers are exempt. The institutions of the Labour Office (Arbeitsamt) and the "Labour Cards," designed respectively to check liberty of can tract and personal liberty in employment, are significant. Here are a few more facts about work under Nazi rule, which is, simply, "slavery in the service of the Reich."
Public labour was made obligatory for all Poles between the ages of 14 and 60 years by decrees dated October 26th and December 14th, 1939. The obligation brings neither right to employment nor certainty of it, and "legal claim to unemployment pay does not exist," although contributions to the Labour Fund are still exacted. Pay is regulated by the Lohnstopprinzip ("Principle of Pay Halt”), which simply means that 1939 standards of pay prevail, although the cost of living had risen, by December 1941, at least fifteen-fold. The custom of three months' notice is reduced to one, pensions are cut or waived. There is neither allowance nor consideration for illness. The working day is 10 to 12 hours, sometimes more, though extra hours and night work are unpaid. The yearly holiday averages six days but" there is no claim to leave." Enslavement is not yet complete because theory is ahead of practice but, mainly owing to the fixed rates of pay combined with soaring prices, people are growing desperate. The employed starve with the unemployed. The only hope of improving one's circumstances is to volunteer for agricultural or factory work in the Reich, where conditions are materially better. But how small a temptation this is to any Pole is proved by the constant round-ups by which the Germans seek to trap slaves to reinforce their man-power.
As to food, clothing, fuel, housing and so on, the picture is as grim. Rationed food is divided among the population so that to the German daily quota of 1,600 calories a Pole gets 400 calories and a Jew 200, which is barely enough to keep body and soul together. The German can, of course, increase his quota by buying in the open markets and special shops. He has the privilege and the money. Cakes, wheat-bread, lard, fowl, frozen or tinned fish, oranges and lemons are there for him at official prices but not for the Pole. The German has first call on all fresh vegetables. The decree of August 9th, 1941, forbidding the sale of fruit in the Warthegau resulted in the wastage of a large part of the crop because the Germans had not time to devour it all ! Bad as things are in the territories "incorporated in the Reich" they are worse in the "Generalgouvernement, " which is not self-supporting and is cut off from all natural sources of supply by the arbitrary barriers fixed by the Germans, who have managed to ruin the whole internal economy of the country. In June, 1941, for instance, a German had twice the bread and jam, three times the sugar, eight times the meat allowed to a Pole. Butter and fats were barred to Poles altogether and they had one egg each to a German's twelve.
In the same month rations for Jews were limited to 3,000 grammes of bread and 200 grammes of sugar. Polish children get so little milk that even babies get no more than 30 per cent. of what they need. Things are worst of all in Warsaw, where, because of the risks of smuggling and so on, prices in the black-markets differ most from the "official maximum price" fixed by Germans. Certain commodities are apt suddenly to disappear, as on that winter day when everyone was astonished to hear through the megaphones in the streets that the population had magnanimously made a gift of their sugar to the soldiers at the front! Fuel is as scarce as food. In Warsaw the supply of current was so weak that parts of the town were sometimes cut off entirely for weeks at a time. Shops close at dusk in winter. Gas is negligible, oil little, candles few and hard to come by. A penetrating cold pervades houses, flats and even hospitals. The shortage of leather and clothing material is such that shoes are ten times, underwear, suits, coats and dresses twenty times the pre-war price. Illness increases all the time, but essential medicines, too, are reserved for the Germans. If you could walk down a Warsaw street and see the stout, rosy Germans in their warm uniforms, lording it among the pale, skinny Polish children and their emaciated, shivering elders, the sight would tell its own story. {The words refer to the Warsaw of 1941-1942. They were written before the destruction of the town in August and September, 1944.-Ed.}
As to home, house, personal belongings, valuables, whether it be a flat in town or a house in the country, whether it be books, furs, pictures, money, clothes, jewels, carpets or furniture, it is simplest to say that no property of any kind owned by a Pole is safe from looting or from the nicer processes of requisition and confiscation. All righteously legalised, of course, by a host of decrees of every kind. Since October 12th, 1939, when the mass evictions began from Gdynia and Poznan, at least a million scholars, social workers, teachers, lawyers, high officials, journalists and industrialists have been deported from the territories" incorporated in the Reich" and dumped in the" Generalgouvernement" in conditions of unbelievable brutality and cynicism. And if these hapless people do find somewhere in the poorer districts where the Herrenvolk will let them huddle-three or four families to a two-room flat-they still have no security of tenure and may, even on Christmas Eve, be kicked out and moved on at the malevolent German will.
Saddest of all is the ruthless destruction of all family life. Husband is separated from wife, mother from daughter or son, and not only through the exigencies of war and mass deportations into the Reich to forced labour. It is enough if one partner of the marriage is a German or a Jew and the other a Pole. "Our uncompromising policy dictates an absolute veto against all marriages between Germans and Poles," quoth Herr Greiser in Poznan on October 25th, 1939. The law is retro-active. Another significant pointer to German policy in regard to population is the decree which, even among themselves, forbids Poles to marry, the men before the age of 28, the women before 25. So much for "the honour and the rights of the family" which Germany in 1907 agreed, were “to be respected" in every event .

•••

The background to this strange picture of life in occupied Poland is almost filled in. Along with the de-polonising of the centre of every town, goes the re-naming in German of streets, towns and villages. "Whoever speaks Polish is our enemy," so that the very language is banned in the offices and shops of Poznania, Polish Pomerania and Silesia. And it takes second place in the "Generalgouvernement." Here, too, although it is the Heimstaette, all Polish state emblems are removed. The German eagle and swastika are superimposed everywhere, even on the boxes of the Polish State Tobacco Factory. Still more ingenious ideas have occurred to the German mind in the congenial job of humiliating the Pole. At Poznan, no Pole may board a tram until after 8.15 a.m., by which time work in all factories and offices is already under way. Bicycles are forbidden him (except by special permit) and so are cabs. Poles must use the back door of any government or municipal office, while Germans use the front. Shops in main streets are for Germans only. The better hairdressers, cafes and restaurants are "for Germans only" - the charming formula sometimes being added "No Admittance for Dogs and Poles." In the streets, no Pole may carry a stick, nor a leather attache case, nor is it fitting for him to wear a fur coat or a felt hat. "The street belongs to the Victors, and not to the Vanquished,” so that Poles must step aside and bow if they run into a uniformed German. Poles may not enter public parks or use the benches of public squares. There are a thousand other annoyances. No Pole may use a telephone box or make a trunk call. In trains and buses Poles have to go into separate compartments. Only Germans may use station cloak-rooms and waiting-rooms. Only Germans may disport themselves at the summer resorts or take part in any kind of athletic game or pastime. No Pole may order gold teeth from his dentist. Polish children look in vain for candles on the Christmas tree….and so on, endlessly and futilely. Nothing is left undone that will outrage national dignity and abase a conquered people. Dr. Frank, as usual, summed it up when he told the Germans of the "Generalgouvernement" before Christmas, 1940, "the Polish State should disappear. The longer it lasts, the more certain a source it will be of lasting unrest in Europe."

•••

Behind all this loom two omnipresent, ghastly shadows. The ghettoes and the concentration camps. Of the latter something has been said in the early chapters of this book. We will not elaborate here. In those first two years of occupation, of 60,000 Poles herded into them, more than a quarter are dead (at Oswiecim alone the figure is 3,000 in 15 months). Few come out. Those that do are mostly broken men.
The story of the Jews, though it has been hinted at in many chapters, is something too hugely horrible to be dealt with properly in a book of this scope. The western world knows by now how the whole organisation of their life has been destroyed: how compulsory labour, navvy work, persecution, robbery, indignity, confinement in the ghettoes and starvation culminated in the bloody massacres of 1943. A note received this summer from a member of the underground movement in Warsaw says: "To-day murdered Jews are counted not in tens of thousands but in millions and the huge Warsaw ghetto has become a wilderness covered with ruins.“
For the Poles who survive, life can hardly be said to be more valuable than for the Jews who are dead. Consider the matters which this book has unfolded. And then consider the words of Dr. Frank, the Governor-General, on the work of the Germans in Poland:
" ... wir ... schaffen zum erstenmal seit vielen Jahrhunderten in diesem Gebiet ueberhaupt erst die Voraussetzungen einer kulturellen Entwicklung."
In English, that is :
" For the first time in many centuries, we are creating in this territory the first essentials for any cultural development."
The meaning for Europe and the world, as well as for Poland, is clear.

THE END


The Nazi Kultur in Poland
in German
in Russian
in French
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THE STRUGGLES FOR POLAND