2:23 P.M. EDT

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Thank you very much.  Please.  Today, Melania and I are honored to welcome President Duda and Mrs. Kornhauser-Duda of Poland back to the White House.  They’ve become friends.  We last hosted them in Washington, in September, and it’s wonderful to see you both again.  Thank you.  Thank you very much.  Thank you.  Great honor.

Since our last meeting, the unbreakable bonds between the United States and Poland have grown even closer.  This year, as our nations mark 100 years of diplomatic relations, the U.S.-Polish alliance is stronger, by far, than ever before.

Earlier today, President Duda and I signed a joint declaration affirming the significant defense cooperation between our nations.  And, as the declaration makes clear, the United States and Poland are not only bound by a strategic partnership, but by deep, common values, shared goals, and a very strong and abiding friendship.

Our people are united by the enduring ties of civilization, culture, and history.  We respect the rule of law, revere individual rights, and prize our timeless traditions.  We embrace country, faith, family, and freedom.

Over the past century, brave American and Polish patriots have repeatedly stood together to defend our sovereignty, our liberty, and our noble way of life.

When I was last in Poland, I was very proud to stand among veterans of the Warsaw Uprising and recall their incredible courage in the face of Nazi tyranny.

Today, we honor the sacrifices of all those who came before by doing our part to safeguard our independence and strengthen the incredible U.S.-Polish alliance.

As stated in the joint declaration, the United States and Poland continue to enhance our security cooperation.  Poland will still provide basing and infrastructure to support military presence of about 1,000 American troops.  The Polish government will build these projects at no cost to the United States.  The Polish government will pay for this.

We thank President Duda and the people of Poland for their partnership in advancing our common security.

Poland’s burden sharing also extends to the NATO Alliance, where it is among eight NATO Allies, including the United States, currently meeting the minimum 2 percent of GDP that’s for defense spending.  And Poland is there.  And you’ve been there from a very early date, and we appreciate that very much.  And we’ve been there also.

There’s been a total of 8 — 8 out of 28, and the rest are coming along.  Because nations, at my urging, have paid more than $100 billion more toward the NATO defense.

Last month, I was very pleased that Poland announced the intent to purchase 32 American-made F-35 fighter aircraft, like you just saw.

Moments ago, we witnessed that impressive flyover of this cutting-edge F-35 as it flew over the White House and actually came to a — pretty close to a halt over the White House.  I was saying, “What’s wrong with that plane?  It’s not going very fast.”  (Laughter.)  But it’s an incredible — it’s an incredible thing when you can do that.  That plane can land dead straight, and it’s one of the few in the world that can do that.  Considered to be the greatest fighter jet in the world.

I applaud President Duda for its efforts to strengthen and modernize Poland’s defenses.

I also want to congratulate Poland for its progress on meeting U.S. criteria for entry into the Visa Waiver Program.  Today, our country signed a Preventing and Combatting Serious Crimes Agreement — a significant and necessary step for Poland’s entry into the program.  Though we still have some work to do, we hope to welcome Poland into the Visa Waiver Program very soon, and that’s a very big deal.

Both of our nations understand that immigration security is national security.  In our meeting, President Duda and I discussed the vital issue of energy.  Reliance on a single foreign supplier of energy leaves nations totally vulnerable to coercion and extortion.

For this reason, we support Poland’s construction of the Baltic pipeline, which will help European countries diversify their energy sources.  It’s desperately needed, and that’s the way to go.

During the past year, Poland has also signed approximately 25 billion dollars’ worth of new contracts with U.S. firms to buy more than 6 billion cubic meters of U.S. liquefied natural gas.  Today, our nations just signed another contract for an additional 2 billion cubic meters worth approximately $8 billion.

So between the planes and the liquefied natural gas, and many other things that Poland is doing — which is doing very well because Poland is doing very, very well — we appreciate it.  Thank you very much, Mr. President.

Our countries also signed an agreement to expand U.S.-Polish civil nuclear cooperation, which will likewise advance Poland’s energy and security, and deepen our bilateral commercial ties.

Economic relations between the U.S. and Poland are thriving.  We’re committed to further expanding commerce based on fairness and reciprocity — perhaps my favorite word.

Across many critical areas — from defense and diplomacy, to energy and economics — the alliance between the United States and Poland is reaching extraordinary new heights in 2019.  Our longstanding partnership demonstrates the enormous possibilities for the world when two strong and independent nations unite in common purpose and in common cause.

President Duda, it’s a honor to have you with us.  And, Mrs. Duda, thank you very much for being here.  We usher in a very exciting new era in U.S.-Polish alliance.  It’s a very special alliance with very special people.  We build a future of promise and prosperity for the American and the Polish people.  And, again, our relationship is an extraordinary one, and it’s going to remain that for a long, long time.

Thank you very much, Mr. President.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

PRESIDENT DUDA:  (As interpreted.) Distinguished Mr. President, wonderful First Lady of the United States of America, distinguished ministers, all distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:

First and foremost, together with my wife, we would like to thank you very much, Mr. President Donald Trump.  Thank you also to the First Lady Melania Trump for this invitation to Washington.  Thank you for this possibility of holding another, within the last 10 months, official visit to the United States here at the White House.

This clearly demonstrates how close and how good contacts are today between Poland and the United States.  Mr. President, all of us hope that you will visit us in Poland, in September, and that we will be able, together, to commemorate the memory of all those who fell and who perished during the Second World War, which started on the 1st of September, 1939, in Poland through the attack of Nazi Germans on our country.  And soon, unfortunately, our country vanished from the map of Europe after the attack of the Soviet Union, against Poland, together with Nazi Germany.

That is our history.  It’s a very difficult one.  And today, we firmly believe that the true ally of Poland, but also a true ally of a free Europe, is precisely the United States of America, who helped that very Europe in such a huge way to win the Second World War and later to establish an independent, sovereign, and free world, which later turned into the European Union.

It exists until this day, and thanks to God.  Also thanks to the support of the United States, through the support of subsequent Presidents since 1989; thanks to the great Movement of Solidarity; thanks to the great determination of the Polish nation.

Also, we are part of the free world.  Also, Poland, which liberated itself from behind the Iron Curtain — which later led to the collapse of the Iron Curtain through the votes of the people casting elections in 1989.  In those elections, people said no to Communists.  Also, Poland can develop today as an independent and truly sovereign country — a country which wants to build the European community and a country which also wants to build the Euro-Atlantic community.

In our understanding, this is an absolutely key element of peace and good cooperation across the globe.  Thank you very much, Mr. President.  Thank you that for sure you are among those Presidents of the United States who understand how it works perfectly.  You understand that when the U.S. looks at Europe, when it looks at the security of the European states, it plays a key role for the peace around the globe.  It is of key importance for a peaceful development of democratic states and democratic communities.

Thank you, Mr. President, for this extreme kindness towards Poland and perfect understanding of Polish matters, which you showed to us in 2017 during your visit to Poland, during your memorable speech that you gave at the Monument of the Warsaw Uprising where so immensely important words for Polish people fell, which are of historic importance to our nation and to Europe.  They showed what Poland means and who Poles are.

Mr. President, thank you for uttering those words back then.  And thank you also for this policy which is being implemented right now, which demonstrates that you are this kind of man and this kind of a politician who not only speaks, but to whom first and most important are the deeds.  The most important are the deeds.

And whenever you say, Mr. President, “Make America Great Again,” it means “make” not “say.”  And this precisely is of crucial importance, hence the agreements that we are signing; hence two agreements between our two states concluded today: two memorandums of understanding, which we signed just a moment ago.  One of them I signed personally concerning the security and military cooperation.

As you mentioned, sir, there will be more American troops in Poland.  This is going to be an enhanced cooperation.  It’s going to be an enduring presence, which hopefully will increase gradually in terms of the number of troops, but also in terms of infrastructure which is very important.

Thank you also for the decision to establish the division headquarters in Poland.  This is of huge importance not only to Poland, but also to our part of Europe, to Central Europe, to the Baltic States, and to all those to whom the enhanced forward presence was established, of the United States and other NATO states, along NATO’s eastern flank.  I’m deeply grateful for that.

But thank you, Mr. President, also for the remaining agreements.  Thank you for this agreement which talks about preventing and combatting serious crimes.  It moves us closer to visa waiver program between Poland and the United States — which to you, Mr. President, and to me, and, first and foremost to Poles, is so important — is of such a crucial importance.

Thank you, Mr. President, also for excellent energy cooperation that we have in terms of LNG supplies.  We talked about this in 2017, in Warsaw, during our meeting, that gas from the United States should be delivered to Poland.  And it is delivered.  And we are signing more contracts.  And gas tankers from the United States are coming to the Port of Świnoujście today.  And the gas from the United States has become a fact in Poland and in our part of Europe.

Thank you, Mr. President, that there are going to be more supplies.  I’m very happy about that, because to us, it means diversification of sources of supplies.  It also means the development of gas security.  To us, it also means good business, just as I do really believe is a good business for the United States of America.  But thank you also for the agreement cooperation in terms of nuclear energy used for civil purposes.

I hope that, together, we will be able to implement this program with the benefit for environment protection with the benefit for (inaudible) protection across the globe, and also for the development of the security of my homeland.

Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for this visit.  I’m pleased that, thanks to this presence, we’re able to show the very good cooperation that we have between Poland as part of the European Union and the United States.

And I firmly believe that thanks to your incredible view of the European matters, and thanks to your understanding to our Polish matters and to the meanders of our history, this cooperation is going to develop better and better, first and foremost also with the benefit for the United States whose interests you are representing, Mr. President, and also understanding the rest of the world.

Thank you very much for that.  (Applause.)

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Thank you.  Thank you very much.  We’ll take a few questions.  Emerald?  OAN.

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Thank you.

Q    Earlier in the Oval Office, before you did your meeting with President Duda, you were quite critical of Germany, as you talked about possibly moving troops from Germany to Poland.  Do you think that doing a move like that will put pressure on Germany to meet their defense spending requirements?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  No, I don’t think so.  I just will tell you very strongly that I think Germany is making a tremendous mistake by relying so heavily on the pipeline.  And I think it’s a tremendous mistake for Germany.  But again, Germany is running their affairs.  And they’ll do just fine.

But I was critical.  I had been critical of it.  It’s a tremendous amount of their energy will be supplied by that pipeline.

At the same time, having nothing to do with Germany, Poland said that we would like to build a facility, a great facility, and we’d like to have you come to that facility.  So we’re going to be there with a limited force, but we’ll be there.  And we appreciate Poland doing what they’re doing.  It’s a great location.  It’s a tremendous — it’s a tremendous plant, tremendous facility.  And it’s our honor to be there.

Poland has been a tremendous friend of ours for a long time.  And when Melania and I were there not so long ago, it was a very special day.  I think it was a special day for Poland, also.  But it was a very special day for our country.  So I appreciate that.  And our relationship is just a very strong one.

Q    And, if I may, would you indulge me with one more question before I get —

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Yeah, go ahead.

Q    — to ask President Duda a question?  In more recent news, yesterday you revealed you got another letter from Kim Jong Un.  And today we hear of the potential thawing of relations between South Korea and North Korea as Kim Jong Un is sending his sister to South Korea.  Now, could you give us an update on more of what was in that letter?  And is there a third summit in the works?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  He just wrote me a very nice letter, unexpected.  And someday you’ll see what was in that letter.  Someday you’ll be reading about it.  Maybe in 100 years from now, maybe in two weeks.  Who knows?  But it was a very nice letter.  It was a very warm, very nice letter.  I appreciated it.  Okay?

Q    Thank you.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Good.  Thank you very much.

Q    And then, if I may, for President Duda?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Please.

Q    You said you were thankful for the commitment that the President made for more troops today, but you hinted that you would like to see more.  Ultimately, what is the number of troops that you’d like to see in Poland?  U.S. troops.

PRESIDENT DUDA:  (As interpreted.)  Madam, this, of course, is always going to be the decision of the United States of America.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  He’d like to see 250,000 troops.  (Laughter.)  We’ll keep it (inaudible).

PRESIDENT DUDA:  (As interpreted.)  It’s always going to be up to the United States to decide how many troops there will be sent to Pol — to which Allied nation.

Of course, I know that this depends on the needs and on the real situation on the ground.  Of course, I know that this depends on the needs and on the real situation on the ground.  Of course, we are very pleased that the U.S. troops are present by giving an evidence to the sustainability and strength of the Alliance.  And the U.S. soldiers are kindly treated in Poland.  They are received as friends.

And we are happy that they are serving in our country.  We would like those bonds between Poland and the United States to become even tighter.  And we are trying, also, to create the best possible conditions for American soldiers.

Q    Thank you very much, President Trump.  Thank you very much, President Duda.  I have questions to both of you actually.

President Trump, you plan to enhance U.S. military presence in Poland.  Last year, you promised you would enhance our military cooperation, training, intelligence, missile defense, and it’s happening right now.  People of Poland still remember your incredible speech in Warsaw.  Why Poland is such an important ally for you?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I just have a very warm feeling for Poland.  I always have.  And it’s now even beyond that because of the relationship, which we’ve developed with your President and First Lady.  And it’s just — they’re very — they’re incredible people.  Hard working, smart, very industrious people.  And what they’ve done with the country over the last five years has been something that the world has watched and the world has marveled at.

I’ve just liked Poland.  So when the President came and he asked me whether or not we’d consider this, I said, “I will consider it.”  And now, because of his leadership, we’re able to do that.  And that’s fine with me.  That’s great.  Great people.  And say “hello.”

Q    So I understand we can — we’ll see you in September, in Warsaw, correct?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  We are looking very seriously at going back to Poland.  And I don’t know what the President has in store for us, but we’re thinking about going back sometime in September.  Yes.  Thank you.

Q    Amazing.  Thank you.  Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Thank you.

Q    (As interpreted.)  A question to President Duda.  Mr. President, so far, we have been talking about a rotational presence of U.S. troops in our country.  Right now, we are talking about permanent or enduring presence.  What does that mean in concrete terms?  And when can we expect those additional U.S. troops to arrive?

PRESIDENT DUDA:  (As interpreted.)  I understand it in the follow way: President Donald Trump and myself are implementing a very calm but consistent policy in terms of security.  The presence of the United States in Poland — the military presence — the presence of U.S. troops, which today is about 4,500 troops present on a permanent basis.  In other words, it is a rotational presence but it is back-to-back presence.  So there is no moment where there are no American troops in the territory of Poland.

And today, we signed a document and further cooperation: a Joint Declaration on Defense Cooperation Regarding the United States Force Posture in the Republic of Poland.

This is of a breakthrough character because it moves us to another era.  So far, we can say that the Americans were testing the situation in Poland: how it looks, how it feels; what about logistics; whether it is possible to stay in Poland and to successfully attain the goals and implement the tasks of defensive nature.

I think that the commanders of U.S. Army are convinced that this is simply possible.  And today, the documents speaks about this enduring presence — the presence which is a fact and which will stay there.

It is a rotational presence, (inaudible) because this is most beneficial from today’s perspective to train soldiers through rotational presence.  By having rotational presence, more soldiers can come to a country, be present there, look at a culture and the condition in place in a given country.  So this is beneficial for this, (inaudible) understood a development of the armed forces.  Therefore, this is an enduring presence.  However, it is implementing this particular way.

And we hope it’s going to develop 1,000 troops, mentioned by President Trump today, which is also — the numbers stipulated in the agreement signed today is very differentiated.  It is not one single unit.  We are talking about special operation forces. We are talking about logistics component.  We are also talking about the already-mentioned division headquarters.

So there is a multitude of forums in which the United States is going to be gradually evermore present in our territory, from the military standpoint.  And this will encompass different fields of cooperation.  So we’re not talking about just one single beat, but we’re talking about a more comprehensive cooperation.  We’re talking about logistics, (inaudible) protection for soldiers, and a number of other elements happening.

Please remember that, right now, there is this missile defense facility being built in Redzikowo.  So, talking about the elements of Polish-American cooperation, there are more and more of these elements, and the number is growing.  I’m very happy with that.  Thank you very much.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Let’s see, who do I like?  (Laughter.)  Nobody.  That’s the end.  (Laughter.)

Go ahead.  Yeah.

Q    Me?  Mr. President, thank you very much.  President Duda, thank you.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I was pointing at you, but you can go ahead.  Here we go.

Q    You were pointing to —

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I was actually pointing to my friend with that beautiful hat on, but that’s okay.

Q    Jeff Mason.  All right, well —

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  You’ll give up your question?

Q    Well, I’ll give him my follow-up question.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  You’ll give up your —

Q    We can share it.

Q    We’ll share the question.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Huh?  Okay.  We’ll share it.  Good.

Q    Mr. President, you seemed to suggest, yesterday, that you’re essentially committing to not spying on North Korea.  Is that what you meant?  Were those comments interpreted accurately?  If so, why?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  No, it’s not what I meant.  It’s what I said.  And that’s — I think it’s different than maybe your interpretation.  I think we’re going to do very well with North Korea over a period of time.  I’m in no rush.  The sanctions are on.  We got our hostages back.  Our remains are coming back; you saw the beautiful ceremony in Hawaii with Mike Pence.  We’re getting the remains back.  There’s been no nuclear testing whatsoever.  They’d like to do something.  I did get, you know, a very — as I said yesterday, a very nice letter from Chairman Kim.  And I think we’re doing very well.

When I took over as President, I will tell you, it looked like it was going to be war with North Korea.  You know that.  Everybody knows that.  And it was going to be quite brutal.  A strong force.  We’re the strongest force in the world, but that’s a strong force.

And we started off a very rough relationship, and I think we have a very good relationship right now.  So we’ll see what happens.  I’m in no rush.  I’m in no rush.

But there’s been no nuclear testing whatsoever.  And when I took over, it was nuclear testing all the time.  And if you look back to the last four, five, six years — but really go back further than that.  In all fairness to President Obama, go back 20 years, 15 years.  It was, really, a very dangerous situation.  I consider it to be different now.

Now, I may change.  And if I change, you will know it very quickly.  I will be very quick to tell you exactly what’s going on.  I may change.  But right now, we have a good relationship, and I think, probably, better than we’ve had for maybe 25 years, maybe forever.

You know, they’ve been there a long time — the grandfather, the father, the son.  And they’ve been there for a long time, and nobody has done anything except me.  And so we’ll see how it all turns out.  I hope it turns out well for you and for everybody.

Q    And I’ll give my follow-up to Jeff.  Very quickly, President Duda, thank you.  Do you see Russia as an ally or an adversary?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Are you talking to me?

Q    To President Duda.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Boy, was that a set-up question.  (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT DUDA:  (As interpreted.)  I would very much like Russia to be a friend of Poland because it is our great neighbor.  It is a country much bigger than Poland, with a bigger potential than Poland in every single respect — except for one, perhaps.  I believe that we have got more courage in us — that we are more brave, more courageous, and are able to fight until the end, irrespective of everything.

This is actually what we demonstrated in World War Two, at the Battle of Monte Cassino.  We demonstrated that in the Warsaw Uprising.  We demonstrated that in many other places around the globe where Polish soldiers died to make sure that Poland is free after the Second World War.

This, unfortunately, did not happen.  We found ourselves under the Russian occupation.  But even then, for almost 20 years, after World War Two, there was this anti-Communist, anti-Soviet underground, which fought against the Soviets, and those people were murdered.  Today, we call them “Unbreakable Soldiers.”  We commemorate their memory, although they were dug underground to make it impossible for anyone to find their remains and so that they couldn’t have graves built.

So we were always fighting.  We always knew how to defend ourselves.  Nevertheless, history was brutal towards us.  We never had a great friendship with Russia.  Russia was always looking out to take our territory.  It was a partitioner in Poland for 123 years.  Poland did not exist because part of the territory was taken by Russia.

Poles were deported to the east.  Then came an aggression on the right — on the recently reborn Poland, which rose in 1918 from the ashes of the First World War.  And in 1919, the Soviet Russia attacked Poland.  It wanted to grab Poland’s territory and bring communism to the west of Europe.  It was us who stopped Soviets at Warsaw in 1920.

By the bravery of Polish soldiers, we defeated them during a great battle.  And then we chased them back to the east.  And then they took their revenge on us in 1939 by attacking us, together with Nazi Germany, and murdering our officers in Katyn.

So, madam, as you can see, this friendship is a very difficult one.  Today, we are in the following situation: Russia attacked Georgia.  Then, in 2014, it attacked Ukraine.  And these are facts.  These are facts which belong to the recent history.

We would like Russia to be our friend, but unfortunately, Russia again is showing its very unkind, unpleasant, imperial face, and we do not want to be part of Russia’s sphere of influence.

And I am happy that today we can speak boldly, also in connection with the military presence of the U.S. and NATO in Poland, that we truly are, first and foremost, in terms of politics, part of the West.  Because we have always been part of the West, in terms of culture.  We have always been part of the West, because it is from the West from which we adopted Christianity in 966, more than 1,000 years ago.  And since that time, we have been part of the West of Europe.  We have been part of the great Christian culture of Western Europe.

But we have to stick to this West also, in terms of politics.  And this is what we want — and I firmly believe that this is the biggest desire of Polish people: to be part of the West also in terms of politics.

Thank you that the United States is supporting us in this respect.

Q    For the — excuse me.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  And just to finish, I hope that Poland is going to have a great relationship with Russia.  I think it’s possible.  I really do.  I think because of what you’ve done and the strength — and maybe we help also, because of what we’re doing and doing for Poland.

But I hope that Poland is going to have a great relationship with Russia.  I hope we’re going to have a great relationship with Russia and, by the way, China and many other countries.  And we look forward to doing things on North Korea — just to go back to the original part of your question.  And we’ll see how that works out.

I do want to say, though: We’re in no hurry.  The sanctions are on.  China has actually been helping us quite a bit.  And despite our trade differences right now — we thought we had a deal, and unfortunately, they decided that they were going to change the deal, and they can’t do that with me.  But something is going to happen, and I think it’s going to be something very positive.

But we think we’re going to get along with a lot of countries that, frankly, did not respect us very much because they were ripping us off for many, many years.  And they’re not ripping us off anymore.

Jeff.

Q    Thank you, sir.  Regarding China, what is your deadline, if you have one, for China to make progress on trade before you impose the tariffs on the other $325 billion in goods?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Well, we’re going to be meeting — President Xi and myself — and you know we have a very good relationship.  But, again, he’s for China and I’m for the U.S.  It’s a big difference.  And we thought we had a deal.  We didn’t have a deal.  And I would never make something that would be less than what we already had.

We had China opened up to trade.  That’s a big thing.  They’ve never done that before.  We had intellectual property theft taken care of and taken care of beautifully.  And all of the sudden, those things started to disappear at the end, after they were fully negotiated.

But that’s — you know, that’s their decision.  I think if they had to do again — and in light of the fact that we have 25 percent on $250 billion of goods coming into the United States.  And unlike a lot of countries, they subsidize those goods.  We haven’t had inflation.  And, you know, they keep saying that the American taxpayer is paying for it.  No.  No.  Very little.

And what it really does mean is that a lot of those companies that are in China are going to be moving back to the U.S.  You have car companies — General Motors, as an example — that built plants in China.  Well, that doesn’t work out too well when you have the tariff wall up because now they’re going to have to get through that and they can’t really get through that.  So maybe they’ll start building plants in the United States instead.

I think that we’ll end up making a deal with China.  We have a very good relationship, although it’s a little bit testy right now, as you would expect.  I think they really have to make a deal.  A lot of companies are leaving China, as you know.  It’s in all the reports.  And they’re going to Vietnam and various other places, and they’re also coming to the United States to make their product because they don’t want to pay the tariff.

And there is no tariff if you do it in the United States.  People don’t realize that.  You know, they say “the tariff,” but there is no tariff if you don’t do it — you know, if you just do exactly as I say: You bring your company back to the United States.

And as far as Mexico is concerned, which was a very big topic yesterday — and now people are finding out that the reports that were written were totally false — we would never have had a deal with Mexico without imposing tariffs.  Once the tariffs were imposed — and they’ve been trying to make this deal with Mexico for 20 years, 25 years.  The older reporters, those great reporters with the very gray hair in the back — you know who I’m talking about; they know exactly what I’m talking about — you would have never made the deal with Mexico.

We have a great deal with Mexico.  I actually think we have a much better relationship right now with Mexico because they respect us again.  But you would never have had that deal if I didn’t impose the tariffs.  And those tariffs were ready to going to on Monday morning, and we made the deal on, essentially, Sunday night.

And that extra little page of the deal that you saw that brilliantly — I had gained such respect for you people when I held it up to the sunlight and it was closed, and you were able to read it through the sunlight.  That was not anticipated.  But regardless, I mean, you knew enough of what it said.  And I didn’t do it on purpose, but we have a lot of strength in 45 days if we decide to use that strength.  Maybe we will, and maybe we won’t.  But there’s a lot of power right now in the border.

And I will say this: Mexico is, right now, doing more for the United States on illegal immigration and all of the problems of crime and other problems on the border than the Democrats.  We can solve our problem on the border in 15 minutes if the Democrats would sit down, straighten out asylum — which is a total mess, but very uncomplicated — straighten out asylum, and get rid of the loopholes.  It would take, Jeff, 15 minutes.

Okay?  Thank you.  Please.

Q    But just — my original question, sir, was: Do you have a deadline for imposing the 325?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  No, I have no deadline.  My deadline is what’s up here.  We’ll figure out the deadline.

Q    Okay.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Nobody can quite figure it out.

Q    And, President Duda, if I could just throw one your way as well: You said in the Oval Office earlier that democracy in Poland was strong.  Not all of your European Union counterparts agree with that.  How is forcing Supreme Court justices to retire early consistent with democratic principles?  And, President Trump, is that something that you support?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  No.

PRESIDENT DUDA:  (As interpreted.)  Ladies and gentlemen, this is a very complex issue.  And it’s hard to answer this question because a lot of people in Western Europe — I think also in the U.S. — do not fully understand this problem because they have not grown up in a country such as mine.

I was born in 1972, in a Poland which was in the Russian sphere of influence, in which a career could be made only, actually, when somebody enrolled as member of the Communist Party and who followed these people’s power who was the supreme authority.  And this is what was happening for many years.

Although, as you know, ladies and gentlemen, as Solidarity Movement grew, people were imprisoned, people were tortured, people were killed during the martial law, and after as well — be it openly or in a secret way.  And this was the reality of Poland until 1989.

And now imagine, ladies and gentlemen, that no so long ago — a few years ago — I was surprised to discover that, in the Polish Supreme Court, there was a whole group of justices who were issuing sentencing as judges — members of the Communist Party — before 1990, who were even passing sentences during the martial law, sentencing people to prisons based on the law of the Communist martial law.

And when I was asked whether the Supreme Court needs to be reformed, I said “yes.”  If Poland is supposed to be a truly democratic, free, and sovereign country, if it is supposed to be a country we want it to be for our children, for the generation who was born after, in 1989, then for God’s sake, those people have to leave.  They have to retire.  And this is what we did.

As a matter of fact, everything that we were doing was aimed at retiring those people.  But, as you can see, unfortunately, although 30 years have passed, they have got influence — the influence which they were building after 1989 where they assumed a new identity of an elite of a new state.  So this influence is still strong.  This is what I can say.

And let me assure you of one thing: that freedom of speech is absolutely respected in Poland.  Poland absolutely respects all constitutional standards, just as in the United States: the right to assemble; the right to the freedom of speech.  There is free media in Poland.  There is everything that is functioning in a normal democracy.

One can announce what they think, one can demonstrate, one can say what they think.  In Poland, people are not attacked during demonstrations as it happens in other Western European countries.  Police do not use truncheons or tear gas against people.  People can speak their mind.  They can express that they’re not pleased with something.  This is their right in democracy.

Please ask Polish journalists, “When was the last time — when was the last demonstration in Poland when some kind of tension happened?”  No, it didn’t, because in Poland we respect the right to demonstrate and to express your concern, because we believe that this is one of the foundations of democracy.  In Poland, there is absolutely free and just elections.  All the standards are respected.

So, please, ladies and gentleman, come to Poland and see Poland with your own eyes.  Please do not repeat certain stereotypes that are repeated in the West.  Poland, today, has got quite a conservative government, that is true.  And this government has got certain standards of action.  Not everybody subscribes to those standards, especially people of more leftist views.  But this is the nature of democracy.

So once you have got one side of the political scene in power, and then people make a different choice and another side of the political stage comes to power.  There is nothing extraordinary about that.  And this is the change that is happening in Poland.

But when somebody wins the elections, they then have the right to implement the program which they announced before the elections.  Excuse me, however, realizing that implementing the program, which you presented in your election campaign, is not only the right, but I think an obligation resting on a politician.  And this is exactly what is happening in Poland.

Q    A question for both Presidents.  Mr. President, you said just a moment ago that Poland will join the visa waiver program soon.  How soon?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  We think fairly soon.  We’re doing very well with it.  It’s a complex situation, as you know.  But we’re getting very close.  We allow very few countries to join, but Poland is one that we’re thinking about allowing in.  So we’ll be making that decision over the next, probably, 90 days.

Q    Sir, will you hope, or do you think that maybe when you are in Poland in September you will make the announcement?

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  I think it’s a very good idea.  Thank you very much for giving me that idea.  (Laughter.)

Q    Thank you, Mr. President.

(As interpreted.)  Mr. President, the visa waiver program appeared on many occasions but then it did not come into practice.  How optimistic are we about the words uttered right now by President Donald Trump?

PRESIDENT DUDA:  (As interpreted.)  I’m looking at these words optimistic.  I’m optimistic about that because I think this is the first U.S. administration which has treated this problem in such a serious way and in such a comprehensive way.  So, both.

When we talk with Mr. President, we — the President expresses his deep care about that.  Also, when I talk with President, Mosbacher — the U.S. Ambassador to Warsaw — she looks at the problem all the time.  And I firmly believe that, in accordance with the law binding the United States — because this is something that I want to stress very strongly — according to the law, binding in the United States, by all the actions which are necessary in this respect such as today’s signing of the agreement on preventing and committing serious crimes, I believe that, through all these sanctions, this visa waiver program — covering Poles with visa waiver program — is going to be possible soon.  Anyway, that it is going to be possible before the end of the first term of President Donald Trump.

PRESIDENT TRUMP:  Okay.  Thank you very much.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

Thank you very much.  Thank you.

END

3:04 P.M. EDT



On this day, we commemorate the 40th anniversary of St. Pope John Paul II’s historic celebration of the Mass on June 2, 1979, in Warsaw, the opening of a nine-day visit to Poland that changed the course of history.  As we remember the long struggle of the Polish people against communism, we also acknowledge that millions of people now live in freedom because of St. Pope John Paul II and his extraordinary life as a follower of Jesus Christ and a champion for human dignity and religious liberty.

In his homily forty years ago, St. Pope John Paul II delivered a powerful message of hope to the crowd gathered in Warsaw, to all of Poland, and to the world.  His words stood tall against the repressive forces of communism throughout Poland and the rest of Europe.  He inspired courage in the hearts of millions of men and women to seek a better, freer life.

Today, we celebrate this historic moment and reaffirm our commitment to ensuring that freedom always prevails.  The United States and our allies stand united against the shackles of communism and as a beacon of liberty and prosperity throughout the world.

Melania joins me in remembering St. Pope John Paul II, whose poignant address stirred the soul of the Polish people and eventually helped tear down the Iron Curtain of communism in Europe.  May we continue to be strengthened by his words and his call to God’s abundant compassion, strength, and glory.

United Nations Headquarters
New York, New York

10:38 A.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Madam President, Mr. Secretary-General, world leaders, ambassadors, and distinguished delegates:

One year ago, I stood before you for the first time in this grand hall. I addressed the threats facing our world, and I presented a vision to achieve a brighter future for all of humanity.

Today, I stand before the United Nations General Assembly to share the extraordinary progress we’ve made.

In less than two years, my administration has accomplished more than almost any administration in the history of our country.
America’s — so true. (Laughter.) Didn’t expect that reaction, but that’s okay. (Laughter and applause.)

America’s economy is booming like never before. Since my election, we’ve added $10 trillion in wealth. The stock market is at an all-time high in history, and jobless claims are at a 50-year low. African American, Hispanic American, and Asian American unemployment have all achieved their lowest levels ever recorded. We’ve added more than 4 million new jobs, including half a million manufacturing jobs.

We have passed the biggest tax cuts and reforms in American history. We’ve started the construction of a major border wall, and we have greatly strengthened border security.

We have secured record funding for our military — $700 billion this year, and $716 billion next year. Our military will soon be more powerful than it has ever been before.

In other words, the United States is stronger, safer, and a richer country than it was when I assumed office less than two years ago.
We are standing up for America and for the American people. And we are also standing up for the world.

This is great news for our citizens and for peace-loving people everywhere. We believe that when nations respect the rights of their neighbors, and defend the interests of their people, they can better work together to secure the blessings of safety, prosperity, and peace.

Each of us here today is the emissary of a distinct culture, a rich history, and a people bound together by ties of memory, tradition, and the values that make our homelands like nowhere else on Earth.

That is why America will always choose independence and cooperation over global governance, control, and domination.

I honor the right of every nation in this room to pursue its own customs, beliefs, and traditions. The United States will not tell you how to live or work or worship.

We only ask that you honor our sovereignty in return.

From Warsaw to Brussels, to Tokyo to Singapore, it has been my highest honor to represent the United States abroad. I have forged close relationships and friendships and strong partnerships with the leaders of many nations in this room, and our approach has already yielded incredible change.

With support from many countries here today, we have engaged with North Korea to replace the specter of conflict with a bold and new push for peace.
In June, I traveled to Singapore to meet face to face with North Korea’s leader, Chairman Kim Jong Un.

We had highly productive conversations and meetings, and we agreed that it was in both countries’ interest to pursue the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. Since that meeting, we have already seen a number of encouraging measures that few could have imagined only a short time ago.

The missiles and rockets are no longer flying in every direction. Nuclear testing has stopped. Some military facilities are already being dismantled. Our hostages have been released. And as promised, the remains of our fallen heroes are being returned home to lay at rest in American soil.

I would like to thank Chairman Kim for his courage and for the steps he has taken, though much work remains to be done. The sanctions will stay in place until denuclearization occurs.

I also want to thank the many member states who helped us reach this moment — a moment that is actually far greater than people would understand; far greater — but for also their support and the critical support that we will all need going forward.

A special thanks to President Moon of South Korea, Prime Minister Abe of Japan, and President Xi of China.

In the Middle East, our new approach is also yielding great strides and very historic change.

Following my trip to Saudi Arabia last year, the Gulf countries opened a new center to target terrorist financing. They are enforcing new sanctions, working with us to identify and track terrorist networks, and taking more responsibility for fighting terrorism and extremism in their own region.

The UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar have pledged billions of dollars to aid the people of Syria and Yemen. And they are pursuing multiple avenues to ending Yemen’s horrible, horrific civil war.

Ultimately, it is up to the nations of the region to decide what kind of future they want for themselves and their children.

For that reason, the United States is working with the Gulf Cooperation Council, Jordan, and Egypt to establish a regional strategic alliance so that Middle Eastern nations can advance prosperity, stability, and security across their home region.
Thanks to the United States military and our partnership with many of your nations, I am pleased to report that the bloodthirsty killers known as ISIS have been driven out from the territory they once held in Iraq and Syria. We will continue to work with friends and allies to deny radical Islamic terrorists any funding, territory or support, or any means of infiltrating our borders.

The ongoing tragedy in Syria is heartbreaking. Our shared goals must be the de-escalation of military conflict, along with a political solution that honors the will of the Syrian people. In this vein, we urge the United Nations-led peace process be reinvigorated. But, rest assured, the United States will respond if chemical weapons are deployed by the Assad regime.

I commend the people of Jordan and other neighboring countries for hosting refugees from this very brutal civil war.

As we see in Jordan, the most compassionate policy is to place refugees as close to their homes as possible to ease their eventual return to be part of the rebuilding process. This approach also stretches finite resources to help far more people, increasing the impact of every dollar spent.

Every solution to the humanitarian crisis in Syria must also include a strategy to address the brutal regime that has fueled and financed it: the corrupt dictatorship in Iran.

Iran’s leaders sow chaos, death, and destruction. They do not respect their neighbors or borders, or the sovereign rights of nations. Instead, Iran’s leaders plunder the nation’s resources to enrich themselves and to spread mayhem across the Middle East and far beyond.

The Iranian people are rightly outraged that their leaders have embezzled billions of dollars from Iran’s treasury, seized valuable portions of the economy, and looted the people’s religious endowments, all to line their own pockets and send their proxies to wage war. Not good.

Iran’s neighbors have paid a heavy toll for the region’s [regime’s] agenda of aggression and expansion. That is why so many countries in the Middle East strongly supported my decision to withdraw the United States from the horrible 2015 Iran Nuclear Deal and re-impose nuclear sanctions.

The Iran deal was a windfall for Iran’s leaders. In the years since the deal was reached, Iran’s military budget grew nearly 40 percent. The dictatorship used the funds to build nuclear-capable missiles, increase internal repression, finance terrorism, and fund havoc and slaughter in Syria and Yemen.

The United States has launched a campaign of economic pressure to deny the regime the funds it needs to advance its bloody agenda. Last month, we began re-imposing hard-hitting nuclear sanctions that had been lifted under the Iran deal. Additional sanctions will resume November 5th, and more will follow. And we’re working with countries that import Iranian crude oil to cut their purchases substantially.

We cannot allow the world’s leading sponsor of terrorism to possess the planet’s most dangerous weapons. We cannot allow a regime that chants “Death to America,” and that threatens Israel with annihilation, to possess the means to deliver a nuclear warhead to any city on Earth. Just can’t do it.

We ask all nations to isolate Iran’s regime as long as its aggression continues. And we ask all nations to support Iran’s people as they struggle to reclaim their religious and righteous destiny.

This year, we also took another significant step forward in the Middle East. In recognition of every sovereign state to determine its own capital, I moved the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem.

The United States is committed to a future of peace and stability in the region, including peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians. That aim is advanced, not harmed, by acknowledging the obvious facts.

America’s policy of principled realism means we will not be held hostage to old dogmas, discredited ideologies, and so-called experts who have been proven wrong over the years, time and time again. This is true not only in matters of peace, but in matters of prosperity.

We believe that trade must be fair and reciprocal. The United States will not be taken advantage of any longer.

For decades, the United States opened its economy — the largest, by far, on Earth — with few conditions. We allowed foreign goods from all over the world to flow freely across our borders.

Yet, other countries did not grant us fair and reciprocal access to their markets in return. Even worse, some countries abused their openness to dump their products, subsidize their goods, target our industries, and manipulate their currencies to gain unfair advantage over our country. As a result, our trade deficit ballooned to nearly $800 billion a year.

For this reason, we are systematically renegotiating broken and bad trade deals.
Last month, we announced a groundbreaking U.S.-Mexico trade agreement. And just yesterday, I stood with President Moon to announce the successful completion of the brand new U.S.-Korea trade deal. And this is just the beginning.

Many nations in this hall will agree that the world trading system is in dire need of change. For example, countries were admitted to the World Trade Organization that violate every single principle on which the organization is based. While the United States and many other nations play by the rules, these countries use government-run industrial planning and state-owned enterprises to rig the system in their favor. They engage in relentless product dumping, forced technology transfer, and the theft of intellectual property.

The United States lost over 3 million manufacturing jobs, nearly a quarter of all steel jobs, and 60,000 factories after China joined the WTO. And we have racked up $13 trillion in trade deficits over the last two decades.

But those days are over. We will no longer tolerate such abuse. We will not allow our workers to be victimized, our companies to be cheated, and our wealth to be plundered and transferred. America will never apologize for protecting its citizens.

The United States has just announced tariffs on another $200 billion in Chinese-made goods for a total, so far, of $250 billion. I have great respect and affection for my friend, President Xi, but I have made clear our trade imbalance is just not acceptable. China’s market distortions and the way they deal cannot be tolerated.

As my administration has demonstrated, America will always act in our national interest.

I spoke before this body last year and warned that the U.N. Human Rights Council had become a grave embarrassment to this institution, shielding egregious human rights abusers while bashing America and its many friends.
Our Ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki Haley, laid out a clear agenda for reform, but despite reported and repeated warnings, no action at all was taken.

So the United States took the only responsible course: We withdrew from the Human Rights Council, and we will not return until real reform is enacted.
For similar reasons, the United States will provide no support in recognition to the International Criminal Court. As far as America is concerned, the ICC has no jurisdiction, no legitimacy, and no authority. The ICC claims near-universal jurisdiction over the citizens of every country, violating all principles of justice, fairness, and due process. We will never surrender America’s sovereignty to an unelected, unaccountable, global bureaucracy.

America is governed by Americans. We reject the ideology of globalism, and we embrace the doctrine of patriotism.

Around the world, responsible nations must defend against threats to sovereignty not just from global governance, but also from other, new forms of coercion and domination.

In America, we believe strongly in energy security for ourselves and for our allies. We have become the largest energy producer anywhere on the face of the Earth.

The United States stands ready to export our abundant, affordable supply of oil, clean coal, and natural gas.

OPEC and OPEC nations, are, as usual, ripping off the rest of the world, and I don’t like it. Nobody should like it. We defend many of these nations for nothing, and then they take advantage of us by giving us high oil prices. Not good.

We want them to stop raising prices, we want them to start lowering prices, and they must contribute substantially to military protection from now on. We are not going to put up with it — these horrible prices — much longer.

Reliance on a single foreign supplier can leave a nation vulnerable to extortion and intimidation. That is why we congratulate European states, such as Poland, for leading the construction of a Baltic pipeline so that nations are not dependent on Russia to meet their energy needs. Germany will become totally dependent on Russian energy if it does not immediately change course.

Here in the Western Hemisphere, we are committed to maintaining our independence from the encroachment of expansionist foreign powers.

It has been the formal policy of our country since President Monroe that we reject the interference of foreign nations in this hemisphere and in our own affairs. The United States has recently strengthened our laws to better screen foreign investments in our country for national security threats, and we welcome cooperation with countries in this region and around the world that wish to do the same. You need to do it for your own protection.

The United States is also working with partners in Latin America to confront threats to sovereignty from uncontrolled migration. Tolerance for human struggling and human smuggling and trafficking is not humane. It’s a horrible thing that’s going on, at levels that nobody has ever seen before. It’s very, very cruel.

Illegal immigration funds criminal networks, ruthless gangs, and the flow of deadly drugs. Illegal immigration exploits vulnerable populations, hurts hardworking citizens, and has produced a vicious cycle of crime, violence, and poverty. Only by upholding national borders, destroying criminal gangs, can we break this cycle and establish a real foundation for prosperity.

We recognize the right of every nation in this room to set its own immigration policy in accordance with its national interests, just as we ask other countries to respect our own right to do the same — which we are doing. That is one reason the United States will not participate in the new Global Compact on Migration. Migration should not be governed by an international body unaccountable to our own citizens.

Ultimately, the only long-term solution to the migration crisis is to help people build more hopeful futures in their home countries. Make their countries great again.

Currently, we are witnessing a human tragedy, as an example, in Venezuela. More than 2 million people have fled the anguish inflicted by the socialist Maduro regime and its Cuban sponsors.

Not long ago, Venezuela was one of the richest countries on Earth. Today, socialism has bankrupted the oil-rich nation and driven its people into abject poverty.

Virtually everywhere socialism or communism has been tried, it has produced suffering, corruption, and decay. Socialism’s thirst for power leads to expansion, incursion, and oppression. All nations of the world should resist socialism and the misery that it brings to everyone.

In that spirit, we ask the nations gathered here to join us in calling for the restoration of democracy in Venezuela. Today, we are announcing additional sanctions against the repressive regime, targeting Maduro’s inner circle and close advisors.

We are grateful for all the work the United Nations does around the world to help people build better lives for themselves and their families.

The United States is the world’s largest giver in the world, by far, of foreign aid. But few give anything to us. That is why we are taking a hard look at U.S. foreign assistance. That will be headed up by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. We will examine what is working, what is not working, and whether the countries who receive our dollars and our protection also have our interests at heart.

Moving forward, we are only going to give foreign aid to those who respect us and, frankly, are our friends. And we expect other countries to pay their fair share for the cost of their defense.

The United States is committed to making the United Nations more effective and accountable. I have said many times that the United Nations has unlimited potential. As part of our reform effort, I have told our negotiators that the United States will not pay more than 25 percent of the U.N. peacekeeping budget. This will encourage other countries to step up, get involved, and also share in this very large burden.

And we are working to shift more of our funding from assessed contributions to voluntary so that we can target American resources to the programs with the best record of success.

Only when each of us does our part and contributes our share can we realize the U.N.’s highest aspirations. We must pursue peace without fear, hope without despair, and security without apology.

Looking around this hall where so much history has transpired, we think of the many before us who have come here to address the challenges of their nations and of their times. And our thoughts turn to the same question that ran through all their speeches and resolutions, through every word and every hope. It is the question of what kind of world will we leave for our children and what kind of nations they will inherit.

The dreams that fill this hall today are as diverse as the people who have stood at this podium, and as varied as the countries represented right here in this body are. It really is something. It really is great, great history.

There is India, a free society over a billion people, successfully lifting countless millions out of poverty and into the middle class.

There is Saudi Arabia, where King Salman and the Crown Prince are pursuing bold new reforms.

There is Israel, proudly celebrating its 70th anniversary as a thriving democracy in the Holy Land.

In Poland, a great people are standing up for their independence, their security, and their sovereignty.

Many countries are pursuing their own unique visions, building their own hopeful futures, and chasing their own wonderful dreams of destiny, of legacy, and of a home.

The whole world is richer, humanity is better, because of this beautiful constellation of nations, each very special, each very unique, and each shining brightly in its part of the world.

In each one, we see awesome promise of a people bound together by a shared past and working toward a common future.

As for Americans, we know what kind of future we want for ourselves. We know what kind of a nation America must always be.

In America, we believe in the majesty of freedom and the dignity of the individual. We believe in self-government and the rule of law. And we prize the culture that sustains our liberty -– a culture built on strong families, deep faith, and fierce independence. We celebrate our heroes, we treasure our traditions, and above all, we love our country.

Inside everyone in this great chamber today, and everyone listening all around the globe, there is the heart of a patriot that feels the same powerful love for your nation, the same intense loyalty to your homeland.

The passion that burns in the hearts of patriots and the souls of nations has inspired reform and revolution, sacrifice and selflessness, scientific breakthroughs, and magnificent works of art.

Our task is not to erase it, but to embrace it. To build with it. To draw on its ancient wisdom. And to find within it the will to make our nations greater, our regions safer, and the world better.

To unleash this incredible potential in our people, we must defend the foundations that make it all possible. Sovereign and independent nations are the only vehicle where freedom has ever survived, democracy has ever endured, or peace has ever prospered. And so we must protect our sovereignty and our cherished independence above all.

When we do, we will find new avenues for cooperation unfolding before us. We will find new passion for peacemaking rising within us. We will find new purpose, new resolve, and new spirit flourishing all around us, and making this a more beautiful world in which to live.

So together, let us choose a future of patriotism, prosperity, and pride. Let us choose peace and freedom over domination and defeat. And let us come here to this place to stand for our people and their nations, forever strong, forever sovereign, forever just, and forever thankful for the grace and the goodness and the glory of God.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the nations of the world.

Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)

Dziękuję.  Stany Zjednoczone mają wielu znakomitych dyplomatów, ale doprawdy nie ma lepszego ambasadora naszego  kraju niż nasza wspaniała Pierwsza Dama Melania

Przybyliśmy na spotkanie z polskim narodem z bardzo ważnym przesłaniem: Ameryka uwielbia Polskę, Ameryka kocha Polaków.Poza tym, że Polacy dokonali wiele dla tego regionu, Amerykanie polskiego pochodzenia bardzo wzbogacili Stany Zjednoczone i jestem naprawdę dumny z tego, że poparli mnie w wyborach w 2016 roku.

To ogromny zaszczyt stać w tym mieście – pod pomnikiem Powstania Warszawskiego – i zwracać się do narodu polskiego, będąc w Polsce, o jakiej marzyło tak wiele pokoleń: bezpiecznej, silnej i wolnej.

Prezydent Duda i cudowna polska Pierwsza Dama Agata powitali nas z niezwykłą uprzejmością i serdecznością, z jakiej Polska słynie na całym świecie.  Dziękuję im obojgu, a także szczególnie ciepło Pani Premier Beacie Szydło.

Cieszymy się również, że jest z nami dziś były Prezydent Lech Wałęsa – znany przywódca Solidarności. W imieniu wszystkich Amerykanów chciałbym też podziękować całemu narodowi polskiemu za gościnność okazaną naszym żołnierzom w Waszym kraju.

Żołnierze ci są nie tylko dzielnymi obrońcami wolności — są też symbolem zaangażowania Ameryki w zapewnienie Polsce bezpieczeństwa i miejsca w silnej i demokratycznej Europie. Jesteśmy dumni, że są z nami tutaj żołnierze amerykańscy, polscy, brytyjscy i rumuńscy.

Uczestniczyliśmy właśnie wraz z Prezydentem Dudą w niezwykle udanym spotkaniu z przywódcami państw Trójmorza. Pragnę powiedzieć mieszkańcom tego wspaniałego regionu: Ameryka dąży do poszerzenia współpracy z Wami.

Będziemy chętnie pogłębiać partnerstwo i wymianę handlową z Waszymi rozwijającymi się gospodarkami. Zależy nam na tym, byście mieli zapewniony dostęp do alternatywnych źródeł energii, aby Polska i jej sąsiedzi nigdy więcej nie stały się zakładnikiem jedynego dostawcy energii.

Panie Prezydencie, gratuluję Panu, a także Pani Prezydent Chorwacji przywództwa w postaci historycznej inicjatywy Trójmorza.

To moja pierwsza wizyta w Europie Środkowej w roli Prezydenta — jestem zachwycony, że odbywa się ona właśnie tutaj, w tym wspaniałym kraju. Polska jest w geograficznym sercu Europy, a co ważniejsze: w polskim narodzie widać duszę Europy. Wasz naród jest wielki, bo jesteście silni wspaniałym duchem.

Przez dwa stulecia Polska padała ofiarą ciągłych, brutalnych ataków. Ale mimo że jej ziemie była najeżdżane i okupowane a państwo zniknęło nawet z mapy nigdy nie udało się wymazać Polski z historii czy też z Waszych serc. W tych mrocznych czasach nie mieliście wprawdzie swojego kraju, ale nigdy nie straciliście swojej dumy.

Dlatego mówię dziś z prawdziwym podziwem: od pól i wsi, aż po wspaniałe katedry i miejskie place Polska żyje, Polska rozwija się, Polska zwycięża. Mimo wszelkich działań, które miały zmienić czy zniszczyć Wasz kraj, mimo opresji, trwaliście i zwyciężaliście.

Jesteście dumnym narodem Kopernika, Chopina i Św. Jana Pawła II. Polska jest krajem bohaterów. Jesteście narodem, który naprawdę wie, czego broni.

Tryumf polskiego ducha na przestrzeni stuleci, które ciężko doświadczyły kraj, daje nam wszystkim nadzieję na przyszłość, w której dobro zwycięża zło, a pokój odnosi zwycięstwo nad wojną.

Dla Amerykanów Polska zawsze była symbolem nadziei – od zarania dziejów naszego narodu. Polscy bohaterowie i amerykańscy patrioci walczyli ramię w ramię w trakcie naszej wojny o niepodległość oraz w wielu późniejszych wojnach. Nasi żołnierze nadal dziś służą w Afganistanie i Iraku, zwalczając wrogów wszelkiej cywilizacji.

Ameryka nigdy nie zrezygnowała z wolności i niepodległości jako prawa i przeznaczenia polskiego narodu — i nigdy nie zrezygnujemy. Oba nasze kraje łączy szczególna więź, u podstaw której leżą wyjątkowe dzieje i charakter narodu. Tego rodzaju wspólnota występuje tylko między ludźmi, którzy walczyli, przelewali krew i umierali za wolność.

Symbole tej przyjaźni można napotkać w stolicy Ameryki. Zaledwie kilka kroków od Białego Domu wznieśliśmy pomniki upamiętniające postacie o takich nazwiskach jak Pułaski i Kościuszko. Podobnie jest w Warszawie, gdzie tabliczki z nazwami ulic przypominają o Jerzym Waszyngtonie,i gdzie stoi pomnik jednego z największych bohaterów świata, Ronalda Reagana.

Jestem tu więc dzisiaj nie tylko po to, by odwiedzić starego sojusznika, ale by wskazać go jako przykład dla innych, którzy zabiegają o wolność i którzy pragną znaleźć odwagę i wolę do obrony naszej cywilizacji. Historia Polski to historia narodu, który nigdy nie stracił nadziei, nigdy nie dał się złamać i nigdy nie zapomniał, kim jest.

Jesteście narodem o ponadtysiącletniej historii. Granice waszego państwa wymazano z map na ponad jeden wiek – i zaledwie przed stu laty granice te zostały przywrócone.

W 1920 roku, w bitwie zwanej Cudem nad Wisłą, Polska zatrzymała sowiecką armię dążącą do podboju Europy.

Dziewiętnaście lat później, w 1939 roku, znów zostaliście napadnięci – tym razem od zachodu przez nazistowskie Niemcy, a od wschodu przez Związek Radziecki. Pod podwójną okupacją naród polski przeżył nieopisaną gehennę: zbrodnię katyńską, Holokaust, warszawskie Getto i Powstanie w Getcie, zniszczenie pięknej stolicy i zagładę prawie jednej piątej ludności.

Kwitnąca żydowska społeczność – najliczebniejsza w Europie – została zredukowana niemal do zera w wyniku systematycznych nazistowskich mordów na żydowskich obywatelach Polski, a brutalna okupacja pochłonęła niezliczone ofiary.

Latem 1944 roku armie hitlerowska i radziecka szykowały się do stoczenia w Warszawie straszliwej krwawej bitwy.  W piekle na ziemi, jakie im zgotowano, Polacy stanęli w obronie swojej Ojczyzny.

To dla mnie ogromny zaszczyt, że są obok mnie weterani i bohaterowie Powstania Warszawskiego. Oddajemy cześć Waszemu poświęceniu i przyrzekamy, że zawsze będziemy pamiętać Waszą walkę o Polskę i wolność.

Pomnik ten przypomina nam, że w straceńczej walce z uciskiem zginęło ponad 150 tys.Polaków. Po drugiej stronie Wisły wojska radzieckie zatrzymały się – i czekały.  Przyglądali się, jak naziści brutalnie zrównują miasto z ziemią, mordując okrutnie mężczyzn, kobiety i dzieci.

Chcieli na zawsze unicestwić ten naród, zabijając w nim wolę przetrwania. Ale nikomu nie udało się zniszczyć odwagi i siły, które znamionują charakter Polaków.

Polski męczennik biskup Michał Kozal dobrze to wyraził słowami:  „Od przegranej orężnej bardziej przeraża upadek ducha u ludzi”.

Przez cztery dziesięciolecia rządów komunistycznych Polska i inne zniewolone  narody Europy opierały się brutalnej kampanii, której celem było zniszczenie wolności,  Waszej wiary, Waszych praw, Waszej historii, Waszej tożsamości – wszystkiego, co stanowi istotę Waszej kultury i człowieczeństwa.

Przez cały ten czas jednak nigdy nie straciliście ducha. Ciemiężcy próbowali was złamać, ale Polski złamać nie mogli.  I kiedy nadszedł dzień 2 czerwca 1979 roku i gdy na Placu Zwycięstwa na pierwszej mszy z polskim papieżem zgromadziło się milion Polaków- tego dnia każdy komunista w Warszawie musiał zdawać sobie sprawę, że opresyjny system wkrótce się załamie. Zrozumieli to dokładnie w tym momencie,  gdy podczas kazania papieża Jana Pawła II milion Polaków – mężczyzn, kobiet i dzieci – podjęło modlitwę.

Nie prosili o bogactwa. Nie prosili o przywileje. Słowami pieśni wypowiedzieli trzy proste słowa: „My chcemy Boga”.

Tymi słowami naród polski przywoływał obietnicę lepszej przyszłości. Polacy odnaleźli w sobie nową odwagę, by przeciwstawić się prześladowcom. I odnaleźli słowa, by zapowiedzieć,  że Polska znów będzie Polską.

Kiedy stoję tu dzisiaj przed tym pełnym wiary narodem wciąż słychać tamte powracające echem głosy. Niosą przesłanie, które dzisiaj jest równie prawdziwe jak dawniej. Naród polski, naród amerykański i narody Europy wciąż wołają: MY CHCEMY BOGA.

Razem z papieżem Janem Pawłem II, Polacy umocnili swoją tożsamość jako naród poświęcony Bogu. I za sprawą tej dobitnej deklaracji, kim jesteście, zrozumieliście co należy uczynić. Złączeni solidarnością wystąpiliście przeciwko uciskowi, przeciwko działającej bezprawnie tajnej policji oraz przeciwko okrutnemu i niegodziwemu systemowi, który zubażał Wasze miasta i Wasze dusze.

I wygraliście. Polska zwyciężyła. Polska zawsze zwycięży!

W tym zwycięstwie nad komunizmem byliście wspierani przez silny sojusz wolnych narodów na Zachodzie, które przeciwstawiły się tyranii. A obecnie wśród najbardziej oddanych członków NATO, Polska powróciła na swoje miejsce jako wiodący kraj Europy, który jest silny, niepodzielny i wolny.

Silna Polska jest błogosławieństwem dla narodów Europy, o czym powszechnie wiadomo. A silna Europa jest błogosławieństwem dla Zachodu oraz całego świata.

Sto lat po przystąpieniu amerykańskich sił do Pierwszej Wojny Światowej, transatlantycka więź pomiędzy Stanami Zjednoczonymi oraz Europą jest mocniejsza niż kiedykolwiek wcześniej.

Nad tym kontynentem nie unosi się już widmo komunizmu. Ale dziś na Zachodzie wciąż stoimy w obliczu poważnych zagrożeń dla naszego bezpieczeństwa i stylu życia. I są to realne zagrożenia. Stawimy im czoło. I na pewno zwyciężymy.

Stoimy w obliczu innej opresyjnej ideologii – której celem jest eksport terroryzmu i ekstremizmu po całym świecie. Ameryka i Europa padają ofiarą jednego zamachu terrorystycznego po drugim. Powstrzymamy je.

Podczas historycznego spotkania w Arabii Saudyjskiej wezwałem przywódców ponad 50 krajów muzułmańskich, by połączyli siły dla wykorzenienia tej groźby, która zagraża całej ludzkości.

Musimy zewrzeć szyki w obliczu wspólnych wrogów, by pozbawić ich terytorium, finansowania, sieci powiązań oraz wszelkich form ideologicznego wsparcia.

I choć zawsze będziemy witali nowych obywateli, którzy podzielają nasze wartości i kochają naszych ludzi, nasze granice zawsze będą zamknięte przed terroryzmem i ekstremizmem.

Walczymy zdecydowanie z radykalnym islamskim terroryzmem. I walkę tę wygramy. Nie możemy zaakceptować tych, którzy posługują się nienawiścią, by usprawiedliwić przemoc wymierzoną w niewinnych.

Obecnie Zachód również staje w obliczu sił, których celem jest wystawienie na próbę naszej woli, zachwianie naszej determinacji i zagrożenie naszym interesom. By przeciwstawić się nowym formom agresji, w tym propagandzie, przestępczości finansowej oraz atakom cybernetycznym, musimy tak przystosować nasz sojusz, by skutecznie konkurował w nowych obszarach i na nowych polach bitewnych.

Wzywamy Rosję, by zaprzestała swoich destabilizujących działań na Ukrainie i wszędzie indziej, i przestała udzielać wsparcia wrogim reżimom – w tym Syrii i Iranowi – a zamiast tego przyłączyła się do wspólnoty odpowiedzialnych narodów w naszej walce przeciwko wspólnym wrogom i w obronie cywilizacji.

I w końcu, po obu stronach Atlantyku, nasi obywatele mierzę się z jeszcze jednym niebezpieczeństwem – z którym możemy sobie w pełni poradzić. To zagrożenie jest dla niektórych niewidoczne, ale dla Polaków – znajome. Stały rozrost rządowej biurokracji, która pozbawia ludzi woli działania i bogactwa. Zachód osiągnął wielki sukces nie dzięki biurokracji i regulacjom, ale dlatego, że ludzie mieli możliwość podążania za swoimi marzeniami i realizowania swoich dążeń.

Amerykanie, Polacy i narody Europy cenią indywidualną wolność i suwerenność. Musimy pracować razem, by przeciwstawić się siłom, niezależnie od tego czy pochodzą z wewnątrz czy z zewnątrz, z Południa czy ze Wschodu, które z czasem grożą podważeniem tych wartości i zerwaniem więzów kultury, wiary i tradycji, które stanowią o naszej tożsamości. Jeśli się im nie przeciwstawimy – siły te pozbawią nas odwagi, nadwątlą naszego ducha i osłabią naszą wolę niezbędną do obrony siebie i naszych społeczeństw.

Ale podobnie jak nasi przeciwnicy i wrogowie z przeszłości dowiedzieli się tego w Polsce – wiemy, że te siły są również skazane na porażkę.

Są skazane na porażkę, nie tylko dlatego, że nasz sojusz jest silny, nasze kraje odporne i nasza potęga nie ma sobie równych – choć wszystko to jest prawdą.

Nasi przeciwnicy są skazani na porażkę, bo nigdy nie zapomnimy, KIM JESTEŚMY. Jeżeli nie zapomnimy, nikt nas nie pokona. Nie zapomną Amerykanie. Nie zapomną narody Europy.

Jesteśmy najbardziej wolną i najwspanialszą wspólnotą narodów, jaką znał świat. Komponujemy symfonie. Dążymy do innowacji.

Oddajemy cześć naszym starożytnym bohaterom, pielęgnujemy nasze odwieczne tradycje oraz zwyczaje i zawsze szukamy oraz odkrywamy nowe możliwości.

Nagradzamy błyskotliwe talenty, dążymy do doskonałości i uwielbiamy inspirujące dzieła sztuki, które oddają cześć Bogu.
Cenimy praworządność – i bronimy prawa do wolności słowa.

Wspieramy kobiety – filary naszego społeczeństwa i naszego sukcesu.
A w sercu naszego życia stawiamy wiarę i rodzinę; a nie władze i biurokrację.
Wszystko poddajemy debacie i kwestionujemy.  Chcemy poznać wszystko – żeby lepiej poznać siebie.

I przede wszystkim, doceniamy godność życia każdej ludzkiej istoty, bronimy praw każdego człowieka i podzielamy nadzieję na życie w wolności tkwiące w każdej ludzkiej duszy.

Tacy właśnie jesteśmy. Takie są bezcenne więzy, które nas łączą. Jako narody, jako sprzymierzeńców i jako cywilizację.

To, co mamy; to, co odziedziczyliśmy po naszych przodkach nie istniało nigdy wcześniej. Państwo wiecie o tym lepiej niż ktokolwiek inny, bo stoją tu z nami bohaterowie tamtych wydarzeń.  A jeśli nie uda nam się tego obronić – nie zaistnieje to nigdy ponownie. Wiec nie wolno nam przegrać.

Tę wielką międzynarodową społeczność łączy jeszcze jeden wspólny element: to NARÓD, a nie możni tego świata, stanowił zawsze podwaliny naszej wolności i kamień węgielny naszej siły.

To naród stanowił i stanowi podwaliny tych wartości tutaj w Polsce, tu w Warszawie, i, od samego początku jej istnienia stanowił podwaliny Ameryki.

Nie po to obywatele naszych państw bili się wspólnie o wolność, nie po to wspólnie przetrwali horror wojen, nie po to wspólnie stawiali opór złu, żeby teraz zaprzepaścić tę wolność przez brak poczucia dumy i wiary w wartości, które wyznajemy.  Nie dopuściliśmy i nie dopuścimy do tego.

Dopóty wiemy skąd przyszliśmy, dopóki wiemy dokąd zmierzamy.
Amerykanie są świadomi, że silne przymierze wolnych, suwerennych i niezależnych państw to najlepszy sposób na obronę naszych swobód i naszych interesów.  To dlatego moja Administracja domaga się od wszystkich członków NATO wywiązywania się w pełni ze swoich sprawiedliwie ustalonych zobowiązań finansowych.

Stanowisko to już zaowocowało dodatkowymi miliardami dolarów. Moim zdaniem te miliardy inaczej by nie napłynęły. Krytykom naszego twardego stanowiska chciałbym przypomnieć, że USA okazały nie tylko słowami, ale PRZEDE WSZYSTKIM CZYNAMI swoje nieugięte poparcie dla Artykułu 5go wielostronnych zobowiązań obronnych.  Łatwo rzucać słowa, ale liczą się CZYNY.  Dla swojego własnego dobra, EUROPA MUSI ZROBIĆ WIĘCEJ.  Musi pokazać, że wierzy w swoją przyszłość, inwestując w nią SWOJE WŁASNE PIENIĄDZE.

Właśnie dlatego przyklaskujemy decyzji Polski o zakupie od USA sprawdzonych w boju systemów obrony powietrznej i przeciwrakietowej PATRIOT. Najlepszych na świecie.  Właśnie dlatego tak cenimy naród polski, który jako jeden z nielicznych w NATO spełnia wymogi inwestycyjne we wspólną obronność.  Dzięki Polsko za to, że dla innych krajów członkowskich NATO stanowisz wzór do naśladowania.

Nasza obronność to nie tylko zobowiązania finansowe – to także zaangażowanie WOLI. Historia Polski uczy nas, że obrona Zachodu nie zależy ostatecznie od pieniędzy, a od woli przetrwania narodu.  I tu pojawia się zasadnicze pytanie naszych czasów: czy Zachód ma WOLĘ przetrwać.

Czy wystarczająco silnie wierzymy w system naszych wartości, żeby bronić ich za wszelką cenę.  Czy darzymy wystarczającym szacunkiem naszych obywateli, żeby bronić granic, w których żyją? Czy starczy nam chęci i odwagi, by bronić naszej cywilizacji w obliczu tych, którzy starają się ją podstępnie unicestwić?

Na nic zdadzą się największe gospodarki świata i broń największego rażenia, jeśli zabraknie silnej rodziny i solidnego systemu wartości. Tych, którzy zapomnieli o ich kluczowym znaczeniu zachęcam do odwiedzenia kraju, który nigdy tego nie zapomniał – niech przyjadą do Polski.

Niech przyjadą tu, do Warszawy i niech poznają historię Powstania Warszawskiego.  Niech poznają historię Alej Jerozolimskich.

W sierpniu 1944 roku, tak jak teraz, Aleje Jerozolimskie były jedną z głównych arterii przecinających miasto ze wschodu na zachód.  Kontrola nad nią miała kluczowe znaczenie dla obu stron bitwy o Warszawę.  Wojsko niemieckie chciało ją przejąć jako najkrótszą drogę przemieszczania oddziałów na front i z frontu.

Dla członków Polskiej Armii Krajowej natomiast, możliwość przedostawania się na północ i na południe przez Aleje Jerozolimskie miała zasadnicze znaczenie dla utrzymania Śródmieścia, a tym samym utrzymania przy życiu samego Powstania.
Noc w noc, pod obstrzałem broni maszynowej, Polacy znosili worki z piaskiem, by bronić swojego wąskiego przejścia w poprzek Alei Jerozolimskich. Dzień w dzień, wróg rozbijał je w drobny mak. Wtedy Polacy zrobili okop, a wkrótce – barykadę.  W ten sposób nieustraszeni powstańcy zaczęli przekraczać tę arterię.

To wąskie przejście zadecydowało o kontynuacji Powstania.  Mieszkańcy i powstańcy, ryzykując życiem, biegli tym wąskim przejściem, by nieść pomoc swojemu miastu.  „To było zaledwie kilka metrów” – wspominała młoda kobieta imieniem Greta.  „Ten śmiertelnie niebezpieczny fragment ulicy przesiąknięty był krwią posłańców, łączniczek i kurierów”.

Snajperzy brali ich na cel. Żołnierze wroga palili każdy budynek, a kiedy atakowali barykadę, wykorzystywali Polaków jako żywe tarcze dla swoich czołgów.
Wróg nie ustawał w ataku na maleńki przyczółek cywilizacji, a Polacy nie ustawali w jego obronie.

Przesmyk przez Aleje Jerozolimskie wymagał ciągłej obrony, napraw i umocnień.  Ale wola obrońców, nawet w obliczu śmierci, była niezachwiana; przejście istniało do ostatnich dni Powstania. Nigdy nie zostało zapomniane, dzięki Polakom było zawsze dostępne.

Pamięć o ofiarach tego heroicznego wydarzenia woła do nas przez dziesięciolecia, a wspomnienia o obrońcach przejścia przez Aleje Jerozolimskie należą do najbardziej żywych.

Ci bohaterowie przypominają nam, że Zachód został ocalony dzięki krwi patriotów, że każde pokolenie ma w tej obronie do odegrania swoją rolę. I że każda piędź ziemi, każdy centymetr naszej cywilizacji jest tej obrony wart.

Nasza walka w obronie Zachodu nie zaczyna się na polu bitwy – zaczyna się od naszych umysłów, naszej woli, naszych dusz.

Dzisiaj, więzy spajające naszą cywilizację mają znaczenie nie mniejsze – i wymagają nie mniej zaciekłej obrony – niż ta piędź ziemi, na której skupiała się nadzieja Polski na istnienie.  Nasza wolność, nasza cywilizacja, i nasze przetrwanie zależą od tych właśnie więzi historii, kultury i pamięci.

I dziś, tak, jak zawsze, Polska jest w naszych sercach, podczas gdy jej naród walczy.  Ogłaszam dziś światu, że tak, jak nie udało się złamać woli Polski, NIE UDA SIĘ NIGDY ZŁAMAĆ WOLI ZACHODU.

System naszych wartości ZWYCIĘŻY. Nasze narody ROZKWITNĄ.  A nasza cywilizacja ZATRIUMFUJE.

Więc walczmy wszyscy jak Polacy – O RODZINĘ, O WOLNOŚĆ, O OJCZYZNĘ I O BOGA.

Dziękuję Wam. Niech Bóg Was błogosławi.  Niech Bóg błogosławi Naród Polski.  Niech Bóg błogosławi naszych sprzymierzeńców.  Niech Bóg błogosławi Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki.

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room   

1:21 P.M. EDT

AIDE:  Hi.  Just want to restate the ground rules.  Today’s briefing is off camera, on the record, and the audio is not for broadcast.  It is embargoed until the end of the briefing. 

And with that, I will turn the podium over to --

Q    Can you make this on -- can you make the audio available?  Because it puts radio at a disadvantage. 

AIDE:  It is off camera, not for broadcast.  Those are the ground rules. 

And now I’m going to turn it over to General H.R. McMaster and Gary Cohn.  Thank you.

GENERAL MCMASTER:  Good afternoon, everybody.  Next Wednesday, President Trump will depart on the second foreign trip of his administration.  He will travel first to Warsaw, Poland to meet that country’s leaders and speak to the Polish people.  He will continue on to Hamburg, Germany for the G20 and for meetings with many world leaders.

While this trip is short, the agenda is packed.  I’ll run through the objectives and the schedule, and then turn it over to Gary, who will walk you through the President’s agenda for the G20.

First of all, the primary objectives are three:  To promote American prosperity, to protect American interests, and to provide American leadership.  These three objectives tie together every engagement President Trump has with foreign leaders, whether here in the White House, as you saw with the strengthening of our strategic partnership with India during Prime Minister Modi’s visit on Monday and we’ll see tonight and tomorrow with the strengthening of our alliance with South Korea during President Moon’s visit.

Additional objectives for the trip include, first, to strengthen American alliances.  America First, as Gary and I have stressed in the past, does not mean America alone.  President Trump has demonstrated a commitment to American alliances because strong alliances further American security and American interests. 

While there are no official NATO meetings on this trip, the President will meet with many NATO leaders, and he will reiterate both America’s commitment to NATO’s common defense and his expectation that all countries share responsibilities and burdens for that defense.  We’ve seen countries strengthen their defense budgets in response to the President’s call.  When we all do more, our alliance becomes stronger and our countries are all more secure.

Second is to reassert who we are.  Traveling to Europe, especially to Central Europe, which had its identity forcibly submerged for so long, is a great way to demonstrate what binds us together not just as an alliance, but as people.  America has been influenced by many nations, but we share Europe’s commitment to liberty and rule of law in particular.

Third is to continue to forge a common understanding of threats.  We saw the President make great progress in Saudi Arabia on denying terrorists safe havens, cutting off their funding, and discrediting their perverted ideology.  He’ll continue to build on that work while also addressing other threats, including attempts by revisionist powers to subvert the global order that undergirds our common security and economic prosperity.

The fourth is to develop a common approach to Russia.  As the President has made clear, he’d like the United States and the entire West to develop a more constructive relationship with Russia.  But he’s also made clear that we will do what is necessary to confront Russia’s destabilizing behavior. 

Fifth is to expand economic opportunity for Americans.  Did I skip -- I think I skipped -- no, okay.  Again, I’ll let Gary cover most of this, but from a foreign policy perspective the President’s goal will be to make clear, even to our allies, that America cannot tolerate unfair trade and economic practices that disadvantage our workers and our industries.  We’re prepared to act where necessary, but we hope to resolve our differences in ways that benefit all sides and are based on really a drive toward reciprocal trade and economic relationships.

The sixth is energy.  We want to create robust, open and fair markets that drive economic growth and leave no countries hostage to energy-market manipulation.  We are committed to the energy security of our allies and partners, and to the diversification of energy sources, supplies and routes.  The President’s America First energy plan will help us achieve all of these objectives. 

The seventh is environment and climate, which Gary will cover as well.

Now, just a brief look at the schedule.  In Poland, the President will meet with President Duda, the leader of a staunch NATO ally and of a nation that remains one of America’s closest friends.  He will speak to 12 Central European, Baltic, and Western Balkan leaders at the Three Seas Conference.  His remarks will focus on infrastructure development and energy security, highlighting, for instance, the first shipments of American LNG into Poland earlier this month.  He will also meet with Croatian President Grabar-Kitarović who is the co-host of the Three Seas Conference. 

Then he will give a major speech to the Polish people at Krasiński Square, epicenter of the 1944 Warsaw uprising against the brutal Nazi occupation.  He will praise Polish courage throughout history’s darkest hour, and celebrate Poland’s emergence as a European Power.  And he will call on all nations to take inspiration from the spirit of the Poles as we confront today’s challenges.  He will lay out a vision, not only for America’s future relationship with Europe, but the future of our transatlantic alliance and what that means for American security and American prosperity. 

I’ll let Gary cover the details of the G20.  I’ll just note that while in Hamburg, the President will meet with many world leaders, including Chancellor Merkel of Germany, the host of the G20, Prime Minister May of the United Kingdom, Prime Minister Abe of Japan, President Moon of South Korea, President Xi of China, President Putin of Russia, President Peña Nieto of Mexico, President Jokowi of Indonesia, and Prime Minister Lee of Singapore, among others.

With that, I’ll turn it over to Gary. 

MR.COHN:  Thank you.  Thank you, H.R. 

Let me go through the G20 quickly, because there’s a lot of overlap with what H.R. just talked about.  I won’t go through the individual meetings but I’ll touch on the major broad themes here.

The President’s primary objectives of these meetings is to work with our partners to jumpstart the world economy.  Economic growth around the world has been far too weak for far too long.  It’s important that leading economies of the G7 take steps in their own countries to strengthen economic growth, but also to work together to address economic challenges that cross all of our borders. 

Here at home, the President has embarked on a strong pro-growth agenda featuring deregulation, tax reform, and infrastructure investment.  On the trip, he will support G20 countries continuing to proactively use all the tools at their disposal -- monetary, fiscal, and structural -- to strengthen growth in their countries.  Importantly, the G20 also needs to do more to address global imbalances, especially from overcapacity in industrial sectors. 

Which brings me to trade, and I’ll repeat something H.R. said: On trade, no less than on alliances, America First does not mean America alone.  The goal of U.S. trade policy is to expand trade in a way that are free and fair.  Insisting on fair trade is the best way to ensure the long-term strength of the international trading system.  We look forward to engaging in free and fair trade with the G20 economies.  The United States stands firm against all unfair trading practices, including massive distortions in the global steel market and other non-market practices that harm U.S. workers.  We ask the G20 economies to join us in this effort and to take concrete actions to solve these problems.  But let us be clear:  We will act to ensure a level playing field for all.

On energy, the President remains committed to working with world leaders and private sectors on sound environmental policies and on innovative technologies.  We have been mindful of the fact that, while renewables have a role to play, we cannot achieve the growth or anti-poverty agenda we want without strong contributions from clean fossil fuel technologies which, in the United States, is a global leader. 

On climate, the President looks forward to discussing his decision to leave the Paris Agreement with the other G20 leaders.  He’ll make clear that he has decided to leave the agreement because it was a bad deal for the United States, but that he is open to reengaging in the agreement or a new agreement if it makes sense for the American people. 

Another focus of the G20 will be famine and other global crises.  We are focused on the crisis in South Sudan, Nigeria, Yemen, and Somalia, and recently announced that the United States would provide more than $329 million in additional humanitarian assistance in this crisis -- bringing the total U.S. humanitarian assistance here to nearly $1.2 billion in fiscal year 2017.  The United States is one of the largest donors of humanitarian assistance here.  The assistance we provide represents the best of Americans' generosity and goodwill.  It will also improve our national security by helping to stabilize insecure regions while building strong relations with nations and people around the world. 

Finally, the United States is pleased that the G20 will have a focus on women’s economic empowerment.  We believe that gender equality and women’s empowerment is vital in today’s labor market.  We are advocating for more equality and equal access to the workplace, financial services, and the labor market with quality employment for women and men all throughout the world.

With that, General H.R. McMaster and myself are happy to take your questions.  

Well, that was quick.  (Laughter.)

Q    Hey, Gary.  A couple of questions for both of you.  One on Russia and one on climate.  Can you talk about the meeting with President Putin?  What are the President's objectives in that meeting?  And will he bring up Russia's interference in the 2016 election?  Either of you.

GENERAL MCMASTER:  Well, there's no specific agenda.  It's really going to be whatever the President wants to talk about.  And that's -- and he will talk with many other leaders during the conference as well.

Q    And does he want to talk about election interference?  Is that something he plans to bring up?

MR. COHN:  We don't have an agenda set up for these meetings right now.  As you know, these meetings are a week away.  We're still finalizing schedules.  So agendas for meetings have not been set up at this point.

Q    Just on climate, I want to get you on that.  Because Angela Merkel is now saying that she is not going to overlook tensions with the U.S. when it comes to the Paris Agreement.  You noted just now, and the President has noted, he wants to renegotiate this Paris climate deal.  In what concrete ways does he expect to do that, given what it took to get the deal in the first place?

MR. COHN:  Well, look the President has been very clear on climate and on Paris.  He cares very much about the climate.  He cares about the environment.  But he has to enter into a deal that's fair for the American people, the American workers.  He's done everything he's done based on job creation, economic growth in the United States.

Q    Then what will he ask for?

MR. COHN:  He's going to ask for a fair and level playing field.  We cannot be in a position where the United States is cutting and cutting emissions while other countries continue to grow until 2030.  That doesn’t seem like it's a fair and level playing field.  We want a level playing field, just like everything else.  We're looking for fairness across the board in the agreement.

Q    Can I ask you about the Russia meeting a little bit, to follow up on that?  Do you see that as a full-fledged meeting, as a bilateral, like we've been reading that the President wants?  Or is it just a pull-aside?  What's the format of the meeting?

MR. COHN:  Well, look, in the G20 meetings as a whole, the world leaders are gathered.  We will have pull-asides, we'll have bilaterals.  As I said, the schedule is being formalized right now.  We would imagine that the countries that H.R. talked about, we would be planning on bilateral meetings.  But they're during the G20 meetings.  So these are not long, long meetings.  These are bilateral pull-asides during the G20.

Q    I want to follow up.  Gary, in that sense -- because Merkel, May, Abe, Moon -- they all fall into a category where the President has had meetings with them before.  I would assume you would have a formal agenda.  Putin is different from that.  Is the Putin one going to be a separate bilateral -- 10, 20, 30 minutes -- not just something that is a chance encounter in the context of the G20?  That’s what we're trying to drive at, that it doesn’t fit into this other category.  You have to --

GENERAL MCMASTER:  Indonesia is in that.

MR. COHN:  Indonesia is in it.  Singapore is in there.  There's countries at the G20 that, yes, we have met with before, some we'll meet with tonight for the first time, and there's other that we will have a second or third meeting with, and they're the countries that are important to us because of economic relationship, military relationship, a lot of different reasons for us having meetings with them.  There will be a more formal schedule as we get closer.  But I think you should assume that most of these countries we're going to have sort of bilateral meetings set up in advance -- probably not a formal agenda of what's on the schedule, but a formal agenda of what time these meetings will happen in a bilateral situation.

Q    -- for Russia, as well?

MR. COHN:  Yes, yes.

Q    So the President has laid out to NATO countries some of the things they need to do vis-à-vis meeting their 2 percent GDP investment in defense.  Does he have a similar set of things to ask Moscow, to ask Putin -- to say, we need to see you do these trust-building measures before we can normalize relations?

GENERAL MCMASTER:  Well, our relationship with Russia is not different from any other country in terms of us communicating to them, really, what our concerns are, where we see problems in the relationship, but also opportunities.  Secretary Tillerson, obviously as he does with all countries in the world, has the lead for that and has been engaged in a broad, wide-ranging discussion about irritants, problems in the relationship, but also to explore opportunities -- where we can work together in areas of common interest.

So it won't be different from our discussions with any other country, really.

Q    Given the assaults on press freedom by the ruling party in Poland, the Law and Justice Party, is the President concerned about assaults on a free press, and former communist countries backsliding as it were?  And do you think that making this the first -- making Warsaw the first stop on the President's trip to Europe might send the wrong message, that he endorses such assaults on a free press?

GENERAL MCMASTER:  I don’t think there's a danger of that at all.  I think Poland is a clear choice for a number of reasons.  First of all, it's one of our staunchest allies.  It is a NATO ally that will meet and exceed its pledge to go over 2 percent from the Wales conference.  It is in many ways a front-line NATO nation in connection with threats on the Eastern flank.  It is a country that has partnered with us and had been a great ally during combat missions in Afghanistan and in Iraq, as well.  And so this will be -- the President will emphasize themes about the past, what Poland has gone through as a nation, what they've achieved to fight to be part of Europe.  He’ll talk about what Poland is doing now and how our relationship can be strengthened in that context.

But what he’s really going to talk about I think is also the future -- the future of America’s relationship with Poland, with Europe, the importance of transatlantic relationships generally.  In the economic context, what Gary has talked about, which is free and fair trade, access to energy.

And so there are a lot of important things for us to emphasize in connection with the future of our relationship with Poland and with Europe.

Q    Does any of that have to do with attacks on free press and free expression in Poland?

MR. COHN:  So let me just answer the question in G20 terms as well, because it’s interesting -- in the G7 as well as the G20, we go through these arduous communiqué writings.  And we as Americans have fought very vigorously to protect intellectual property rights and to protect freedom of speech in Internet.  And we’ll continue to do that.  We’ll continue to defend that.  We did it in the G7 communiqué; we’re going to do it in the G20 communiqué.

So that’s just where we stand.

You back -- the young lady.  Yeah, you.

Q    Thank you.

MR. COHN:  No, behind you.  The young lady.

Q    I wanted to ask you about this -- the comments you made about steel.  As you know, they were expecting an omnibus trade deficit report by the end of the week, and there’s also this ongoing 232 investigation by Commerce and Treasury.  That seems to tee you up perfectly for a conversation with China and Japan about trade deficits.  Do you plan on releasing that information ahead of the G20 and presenting it there?

And then, secondly, on LNG, if you could just talk about -- will the President be offering or brokering any additional deals to backstop European needs in that respect to get them independent from Russia and a reliance on Russian energy?

MR. COHN:  So I’m not sure when the Commerce Department is going to release their final report on the steel industry and what’s been going on there.  They have been working on it for quite some period of time, so it’s in draft or final drafting forms.  They will be delivering it to the White House at some point.

But the premise of that report will -- we will use that as an opportunity to talk with many of our trading partners around the world.  What’s going on in steel -- I mentioned steel in my remarks specifically, because if you look at the G7 communiqué, there has been consensus among our G7 allies that there is overcapacity and there’s dumping in steel.  So I think there’s uniformed consensus among all of our G7 allies that we do need to deal with the steel problem specifically.

On LNG, what the President is committed to do is the President is committed to have a deregulated environment here in the United States where LNG facilities can get licensed, we can license more pipeline systems so we can be in the business of exporting LNG.  It’s not the President’s job to broker LNG supply contracts.  It’s the President’s job to make sure that the U.S. authorizes facilities to be built in the United States because they need federal approval.  And then once those facilities are built, hopefully those facilities enter into long-term supply contracts around the world.  Because, uniquely, the rest of the world needs something we have, which is our huge supply of LNG.

Eamon, in the back. 

Q    Thanks, Gary.  If you could, could you give us your sense of the state of the relationship between the United States and Germany right now?  We’ve had a couple of smallish flash points recently.  We see reports that Chancellor Merkel might be preparing to press the U.S. on Paris.  We see this moment where Secretary Ross was cut off in mid-speech.  How do you see the relationship right now between the United States and Germany?

GENERAL MCMASTER:  Okay, the relationship with Germany is as strong as ever.  And, of course, there are going to be differences in relations with any country, and we’ll talk frankly about those differences.  The President enjoys those conversations.

But what we should remember about a relationship with Germany and other allies is that we agree on 95 -- at least -- percent of the key issues, and we’re cooperating every day on those issues.  That cooperation, I think, is stronger than ever, and really our common concerns in security in economic development -- in our relationships economically.

So I think that -- to answer your question, the relationship is as strong as ever.

Q    Do you see that as a snub of Secretary Ross?

Q    Yes.  In terms of --

MR. COHN:  We’ll get you next.

GENERAL MCMASTER:  We’ll get you next.  Go ahead, sir.

MR. COHN:  Go ahead.

Q    So in terms of the North Korean question, what more do you think that the President and this administration can do to pressure China?  It seems like you have come to the point where you’re realizing that China is not going to do more without more coercion, so what more can you do on that front? 

And then a second question, with regards to Russia:  Do you feel like the President is taking seriously the question of Russian meddling in the 2016 election?  And do you think -- and what has he done to actually address that issue, which a number of senior U.S. officials have raised as a threat on U.S. democracy?

GENERAL MCMASTER:  So, first of all, on North Korea and China’s relationship with us and with others and working on the North Korea problem -- there are really three key things that came out of the Mar-a-Lago summit that I think are critical for us to build on.

It shouldn’t really be about pressuring China, it should be about working with China in our common interests.  The first big thing that came out of Mar-a-Lago was a recognition that a nuclear-armed North Korea with long-range missile capabilities is a threat not only to the United States, not only to South Korea and Japan, but also to China.  And there was clear acknowledgement by both parties, the United States and in China on that. 

The second is a recognition that while China’s political influence with the regime might be limited, that they have tremendous coercive power in connection with the economic relationship and the trade relationships with North Korea.  So China acknowledged that there is a lot that they can do in connection with convincing the North Korean regime that it’s in their interest to denuclearize. 

And the third is critical -- is that we agreed on a joint objective of denuclearization of the Peninsula.  That’s a solid basis to work together on.  There’s a lot more to be done, however.  The President has told all of us -- he has said that he will not tolerate a North Korean regime that can target the United States, that can reach the United States with a nuclear weapon.  He just won’t tolerate it. 

So what we have is a commitment to deliver to him a broad range of options and to do our best to work with everyone, including China, on this.  So it’s not a question of pressuring China.  It’s a question of working with China to do more about this problem so it doesn’t get to everybody wants to avoid.

Q    Are we doing enough?

GENERAL MCMASTER:  Well, I mean, none of us are doing enough.  I don’t think China is doing enough now because the problem is not resolved.  So the question is, how much more must we do together to address this, short of a military solution.  So that’s the kind of discussions that we’ll continue to have with Chinese leadership as we work together with them -- not pressuring them -- but working with them.

On the second point on Russia.  The President has asked us to work together across all departments and agencies to do, really, three things:  to confront Russia’s destabilizing behavior -- whether it’s cyber threats, whether it’s political subversion here in Europe and elsewhere -- in the Balkans now.  So confront Russia’s destabilizing behavior and to come up with a strategy to do that.

The second is to deter Russia, right?  Because the worse thing -- nobody wants a major power war, right?  And so what is it that we have to put in place to be able to deter conflict.

And then the third thing is to foster areas of cooperation.  What are the areas that we can identify in which we can work together with Russia, which is clearly in both of our interests?  And there are a lot of problems in the world that fall into that category.  North Korea, for example, is one of them; the fight against transnational terrorist organizations is another.  So the need to deescalate the Syrian civil war, to defeat ISIS there, and to end that humanitarian catastrophe. 

And so these are areas of discussion, again being led extremely well by Secretary of State Tillerson, and that will continue to be the focus of our Russia policy and strategy. 

Q    Okay, thank you, sir.  You mentioned that the President will be speaking with the President of Poland.  Will he also meet with other leaders of Polish political scene?  And this speech in Warsaw is really highly anticipated.  So what is the main message the President wants to deliver to the people of Poland?

GENERAL MCMASTER:  Yeah, the main message is that America is with you, America understands that its interests align with the interests of the Polish people, and we are determined to do our best to work together on our common priorities and our common interests. 

Across the three areas -- the three main themes that I mentioned at the beginning -- which is, first, to protect our security -- this is Polish security, American security, our common security; to promote prosperity in terms of economic growth and development, and economic growth and development in a way that protects the environment, that advances our interests in the economic energy realm.  And the third is to provide American leadership -- American leadership to help connect Poland broadly, to keep Poland connected to what they fought for for so long, which is to be part of Europe.  And for American leadership to be associated with the Polish-American relationship, the American-European relationship, and transatlantic relations generally. 

MR. COHN:  And, yes, he’s speaking to other Polish leaders.  I’ve got to run to Energy Week.  I’m on a panel at 2:00.  I can take one last question.

Right there.

Q    Thank you, Mr. Cohn. 

MR. COHN:  You're welcome, sir.

Q    Very quickly, is the IMF going to come up at all when the meeting is held?  During the IMF World Bank meeting earlier this year there was considerable discussion that there’s been nothing said from the administration about the IMF and whether the U.S. would continue the same policy which directly connects us to the bailout in Greece.

MR. COHN:  Look, I don’t think the IMF directly will come up during the G20.  The IMF will be there.  They’re one of the participants at the G20.  That said, I’m having discussions with IMF leadership, and we’ve got very amicable discussions with IMF going on. 

Q    Madam Lagarde?

MR. COHN:  Yes.  Okay, thank you, everyone.

GENERAL MCMASTER:  Thanks, everybody.
 
END
1:48 P.M. EDT

The Declaration of war by France and the United Kingdom was given on 3 September 1939, after German forces invaded Poland. Despite the speech being the official announcement of both France and the United Kingdom, the speech was given by the British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, in Westminster, London.