DZIEŃ ŚLĄSKA POLSKIEGO POD ŚLĘŻĄ INAUGRACJA 16 CZERWCA 2019
Sanktuarium Ślężańskiej Matki Bożej Dobrej Rady w Sulistrowiczkach
9:00 Msza Św. Wrocławskiego Kręgu Rodzin z Wrocławia; 10:00 dr Zbigniew Hałat – Prezes Towarzystwa Ślężańskiego im. prof. Józefa Kostrzewskiego: Wojewoda Piotr Włostowic i Książę Bolko II w Dniu Śląska Polskiego; 10:45 prof. dr hab. Tadeusz Marczak: Aktualność kwestii Śląska dla Polski; 11:30 Dyskusja patriotów polskich na temat obrony Śląska; 12:00 Bierzmowanie – Msza Św. z udziałem ks. abpa Józefa Kupnego Metropolity Wrocławskiego (oprawa muzyczna: zespół młodzieżowy “Młodzi dla Młodych"); 14:00 Koncert pieśni patriotycznych tenora Tomasza Tracza, artysty scen wrocławskich; 15:00 Konkurs wiedzy historycznej o Śląsku; 15:30 Koncert zespołów ludowych i młodzieżowych; 16:00 Agape dla rodzin i gości: grill, kawa, herbata, ciasta, prosię, jagnię itd.silesian.eu
Maryjo, obudź w Narodzie troskę o życie, rozpędź czarne chmury nad Polską, nie pozwól wymrzeć Polakom, zachowaj polską kulturę. Jasnogórska Królowa Polski po raz kolejny w historii stanęła w obronie poddanych. 25. października 2015 nadzieja na pełnię wolności znowu przyszła do Polski. Polacy dziękują Najświętszej Maryi Pannie za wstawiennictwo. W dramatycznych okolicznościach naszych dziejów niezawodna interwencja Opatrzności ma oczywiście charakter zjawiska nadprzyrodzonego i to widzialnego nie tylko oczami wiary. Według relacji heretyków, muzułmanów, czy bezbożników Matka Boża była przez nich widziana nad Jasną Górą podczas szwedzkiego potopu, również nad Łysą Górą pod Wiedniem (niem. Kahleberg) skąd Jan III Sobieski dowodził obroną chrześcijańskiej Europy przed zagładą, a także nad polem Bitwy Warszawskiej, kiedy to Polacy pownie uratowali wartości europejskie przed anihilacją, tym razem z rąk bolszewickiej dziczy i jej licznych sojuszników wśród zachodniouropejskich wyznawców Marksa.
Ukazanie się Matki Bożej w wyjątkowych sytuacjach stanowiących punkt zwrotny w dziejach Polski, Europy, czy całego świata umacnia pozycję, jaką w sercach wiernych zajmuje Częstochowski obraz Matki Bożej – Matki Słowian. Obraz jest czczony jednakowo przez katolików i prawosławnych. Do objawień wierni podchodzą w uniesieniu, z entuzjazmem relacjonują swoje świadectwo wielkości Boga i rolę Niezawodnej Pośredniczki Jego łask. Pozostali, choćby zwaleni z nóg tym, co sami widzieli i przeżyli, do utraty tchu przerażeni i obezwładnieni wydarzeniem zupełnie dla nich nie zrozumiałym i niczym nie wytłumaczalnym, jak tylko oprzytomnieją – spychają w swojej świadomości doznane świadectwo Bożej interwencji. Także w obawie o swój los. Jako ludzie wolni, nie czuli by strachu przed dawaniem świadectwa temu co wraz z wieloma innych zobaczyli, usłyszeli i przeżyli. Jednak pomiędzy nimi a Bogiem, który obdarzył człowieka stworzonego na Swój obraz i podobieństwo pełnią wolności, stanął bałwan. Małpując Pana Boga, bałwan w miejsce wiary wprowadza bałwochwalstwo oparte o dwa filary będące odwrotnością Bożej Miłości, która gwarantuje wolność każdemu człowiekowi. Bałwany stoją na dwóch nogach bałwochwalstwa. Jedna to nienawiść do Boga i człowieka, a druga to zniewolenie człowieka. Próbując dosięgnąć swoją nienawiścią Bożego Majestatu, bałwany podskakują niezdarnie, a za każdym razem kiedy na powrót zderzą się z twardą rzeczywistością, chcą utopić w morzu nienawiści każdego człowieka, bo ten – w odróżnieniu od Pana Boga – jest dla nich osiągalny, zwłaszcza ten człowiek, który jest sterroryzowany i najsłabszy, najmłodszy, najstarszy, czy najbardziej ubogi. Z ubolewaniem można pomyśleć o losach tych spośród świadków ukazania się Matki Bożej nad Jasną Górą, Wiedniem, czy Radzyminem, którzy – nieraz wbrew własnej woli – byli w szeregach najeźdźców i zdołali uciec z pola bitwy. Opowiadanie o widomym znaku Bożej ingerencji, oznaczało sprowadzenie na siebie wyroku śmierci. Żaden system totalitarny, ani autorytarny reżim nie toleruje prawdy. W jej miejsce wstawia halucynacje, konstruuje wielopiętrowe mistyfikacje, zatraca się w braku logiki i spójności, w końcu popada w jawne szaleństwo. Każdy system totalitarny i autorytarny reżim odbiera człowiekowi wolność, bowiem przeciętny człowiek z natury dobry, choć grzeszny, korzystając z daru wolnej woli w większości alternatywnych wyborów wielkiej wagi pokieruje się miłością a nie nienawiścią.
Umieszczając w naszej Ojczyznie pole bitwy dobra ze złem i czyniąc Polaków rycerzami Niepokalanej, Pan Bóg tak pokierował decyzjami wyborców, że w ciągu pięciu miesięcy roku 2015 całą władzę w Polsce z rąk bałwochwalców przejęli zdeklarowani i pobożni członkowie polskiego Kościoła Rzymskokatolickiego. Korzyści z pierwszych od wiosny 1939 r. wolnych i najmniej sfałszowanych wyborów w Polsce powinni więc czerpać wszyscy. Wszyscy tzn. także zajadli wrogowie Boga i człowieka, także żyjący z dala od Polski, którzy jeszcze nie poznali Dobrej Nowiny, a o Polsce nawet nie słyszeli, także ci, którzy przeszli pranie mózgów antykatolicką i antypolską propagandą i nie mieli jeszcze okazji zetknąć się z niezałganą prawdą o katolikach i Polakach.
Prezydent, rząd i członkowie parlamentu, którzy publicznie wypowiedzianą prośbą „Tak mi dopomóż Bóg” szczerze zabiegają o wsparcie Opatrzności dla swoich intencji i czynów, tym różnią się się od bałwanów i bałwochwalców, że kierują się wyraźnie sprecyzowanym systemem wartości opartym o Słowo Boże a nie o własne czy partyjne urojenia, albo dyrektywy kolonialnych potęg zwykle zarazem politycznych, ekonomicznych i ideologicznych. W ostatnich decyzjach nad urną wyborczą Polacy pozbyli się ostatecznie narzuconego nam w 1944 r. aparatu władzy wyrosłej na rozszarpaniu Polski przez sojusz Hitlera i Stalina, pozbyli się rządów kasty okrągłego stołu, cudownym zrządzeniem Opatrzności mieli możliwość udowodnić, że są za demokracją, przeciwko niewoli feudalnego kolonializmu. Teraz czas na miłosierdzie i włączenie wszystkich do pilnej odbudowy i umocnienia polskiej substancji narodowej.
Słuchaczy Radia Maryja i Państwa bliskich pozdrawia Zbigniew Hałat.
Z Panem Bogiem
Jedenaście lat minęło a symbolika 37. minuty po godzinie 21. drugiego dnia kwietnia AD 2005 zamiast tracić na znaczeniu, staje się coraz bardziej czytelna. Pozostawiając po sobie przepełnione profetycznym natchnieniem głębokie analizy i syntezy, Święty Jan Paweł Wielki wypełnił swoją ziemską rolę. Do nas należy kierować się Jego nauczaniem. Młodzieży podpowiadam, że nawet najbardziej sążniste teksty można sobie przyswoić, zwracając się rymowaną, łatwą do zapamiętania prośbą do ich autora "Święty JP, módl się za mnie!" Naprawdę warto. Czy można zrozumieć dzisiejszy upadek Europy bez znajomości dokumentu pt. 'Posynodalna Adhortacja Apostolska Ecclesia in Europa Ojca Świętego Jana Pawła II'? (po polsku na stronie Opoki, w wielu innych językach na stronie Stolicy Świętej).
Fałszywych proroków, którzy przychodzą do nas w owczej skórze, a wewnątrz są drapieżnymi wilkami, chrześcijanie poznają po ich owocach. Fałszywi prorocy nakłamali o bezpieczeństwie i dobrobycie, ale przesiąknięci nienawiścią i pychą sprowadzili na Europę bezprecedensowe zagrożenie terrroryzmem, wojną, eksterminacją biologiczną i kulturową. Wrogowie Boga i ludzkości pożarli Europę nienawiści. Znacie ich. Nie wszystko jednak stracone. Czy wobec cudownej interwencji Opatrzności w wybory Polaków 2015 r. można wątpić w aktualność hasła papieskiej piegrzymki sprzed 25 laty „Bogu dziękujcie, ducha nie gaście”. Zdrowy pień Bożej Miłości wyrosły z chrześcijańskich korzeni Europy, w roku 2016 – Jubileuszowym Roku 1050. rocznicy Chrztu Polski powinien pozbawionym nadziei i pogrążonym w chaosie narodom europejskim przypomnieć o roli Polski w Europie. Europa jeszcze nie zginęła! Kiedy żyją Polacy Europa nadal istnieje.
Sam Victor Hugo w przemówieniu parlamentarnym 19. marca 1846 złożył hołd bezinteresownym zasługom Polaków w obronie cywilizacji Europy przed barbarzyńcami. „Polacy są rycerzem Europy" – powiedział. (Deux nations entre toutes, depuis quatre siècles, ont joué dans la civilisation européenne un rôle désintéressé ; ces deux nations sont la France et la Pologne. Notez ceci, messieurs : la France dissipait les ténèbres, la Pologne repoussait la barbarie ; la France répandait les idées, la Pologne couvrait la frontière. Le peuple français a été le missionnaire de la civilisation en Europe ; le peuple polonais en a été le chevalier. Si le peuple polonais n'avait pas accompli son oeuvre, le peuple français n'aurait pas pu accomplir la sienne. À un certain jour, à une certaine heure, devant une invasion formidable de la barbarie, la Pologne a eu Sobieski comme la Grèce avait eu Léonidas. (Victor Hugo: Actes et paroles (Les 4 volumes): Nouvelle édition augmentée By Hugo, Victor; Chambre des Pairs 1845 — 1848, I. La Pologne, 19 mars 1846.)
Dla amerykańskiego czytelnika Amerykanin Luis E. Van Norman w 1907 przeznaczył dzieło pt. 'Polska – rycerz wśród narodów', z którego kilka zdań cytatu „Przez cztery stulecia Polska była przedmurzem, chroniącym Europę od zalewu barbarzyństwa. Gdyby nie dzielność Polaków, zachodnia cywilizacja wniwecz byłaby obrócona, może nawet chrześcijaństwo byłoby pochłonięte. … Za obronę Europy przed barbarzyństwem niechrześcijańskiego Wschodu, Polska nie żądała ani kontrybucji pod postacią wojsk, ani pieniędzy. Nie domagała się podziękowań. Postępowanie Europy względem Polski jest wobec tego jedną ze zbrodni historycznych.”
POLAND : THE KNIGHT AMONG NATIONSIn an age which is, beyond all else, materialistic, what can better entitle a people to distinction and homage than the facts that it worships the ideal, that its heroes are personifications of aspiration, and that its very faults are, in large measure, directly traceable to "visionary patriotism " and " artistic preoccupation "?It is the glory of the Polish people to hold aloft the torch of idealism in a materialistic age. While many a western nation is going to war over commerce; while the ears of the chancelleries are tuned to the tones of the stock-ticker, and the ambitions of the day run to the men who can amass the most gigantic fortunes, the Poles lavish all their national affections on a living word-master. In the national Sienkiewicz jubilee a couple of years ago they did for a mere creator of literature what the rest of the world is wont to reserve for "Napoleons of finance " ; for men who have defeated others with great slaughter, and for colossuses who have moulded empires out of the patrimony of other peoples. For four centuries Poland was the bulwark of Europe against the floods of barbarism from the East. That mysterious, fecund East, from which countless human hives have swarmed out over Europe, gave out these swarms in myriad, pitiless numbers, at frequent intervals from the 13th to the 17th century. Impelled by some unexplainable ethnic force, the barbarian tribes moved ever westward, until, on the banks of the Dwina, the Dniester, and the Vistula, they met the swords of the Poles. But for Polish valour, Western civilisation would have been blighted ; Christianity itself, perhaps, engulfed. Poland was the sentinel who kept watch on the eastern gate of Europe, while Latin civilisation, in the person of France, flowered and taught the world. " While my own dear France was the missionary of civilisation," said Victor Hugo, " Poland was its knight." The eastern frontier of the Commonwealth was, by its low, level, natural formation, particularly open to attack. Poland was essentially a land of plains, which, for centuries, were swept and desolated by vast, contending armies. Time and again the Mongols completely overran the Commonwealth. Twice these fierce nomads rolled in great waves over the entire country, and were checked only on the banks of the Vistula, beneath the very walls of Cracow.For this defence of Europe against the barbarism of the non-Christian East, Poland asked no contributions of troops, or money. She asked no thanks. The treatment she has actually received from Europe is one of the crimes of the ages.Poland upheld the Christian faith when most of the rest of Europe was sunk in petty wars and struggles for greed. She received the poor Jew when all the rest of the Christian world would have none of him. Her bosom was a refuge for the Hussites and emigrants of the Thirty Years' War. She has always accepted this as her role —to be the champion of the West against the East ; of culture against barbarism. With a religion and civilisation based on those of Rome, and a language strongly modified by Latin influences, she has been the outpost of Occidentalism against even the great mass of the Slav race itself, which is cast in a Byzantine mould.It must be admitted that this attitude was more the result of an impulsive generosity than the development of a conscious, logical will. It was a great virtue, but a virtue, alas, singularly favoured by the recklessness and love of glory characteristic of the national spirit. This was admitted in an eloquent memorial published by the Poles of this country at the time of the convocation of the first Hague Peace Conference. This document, however, rightly gloried in the "improvident generosity" of Poland. It said: "History proves that the Polish people were not believers in force or the use of destructive weapons to vindicate their rights. To the last moment of their political existence they looked with contempt upon all destructive weapons. They prized individual courage much higher. They attacked the enemy with sword in hand, abhorring those who hid in trenches under the protection of batteries. When the other nations of Europe relied mainly upon powerful artilleries for the success of their troops, Poland, too proud, and placing too high the honour of the military calling, looked with disdain upon those who were willing to kill and dared not expose themselves. In view of the greed of the neighbouring powers, this characteristic trait of our nation did not redound to our advantage. Nevertheless it existed, and was one of the brightest features of our history."Poland is, or rather was, a large and powerful nation with a territory greater than that of modern Germany, and for nearly a century her voice was authoritative in the councils of the continent Take down the map of Europe. Draw a line from Riga, on the Baltic Sea, to Dresden in Saxony. Draw another line from Dresden to the mouth of the Dniester River, on the Black Sea; another from the mouth of the Dniester to Smolensk, Russia, and a fourth from Smolensk back to Riga. You have enclosed the Commonwealth of Poland at its greatest extent—the country of Sienkiewicz.Before the partitions Posen, West Prussia, Galicia, Lithuania, Volhynia, Podolia, and Kiev were Polish. In still earlier times, Bessarabia, Moldavia, Silesia, and Livonia belonged to the Polish crown. Even as late as 1772 Danzig (Gdansk) was a Polish seaport, and Kamieniec (near the modern Kishinev) the Polish defence against the Turks, while to the north and west Poland's frontier extended almost to the walls of Riga and to within the shadow of the Kremlin at Moscow. To-day Poland is a portion of three great European nations, Russia, Austria, arid Germany. She has long ceased to have a separate political existence, but her sons remain a distinct, individual and resistant people.
I POLAND'S ROLE IN HISTORY
No doubt the ultimate aim of Polish activity everywhere is the re-establishment of Poland as a national and political entity. The dream of every Polish patriot is to see a Poland arise, on the ashes of the past, stretching from the Baltic to the Black Sea—a country 750 miles in length and almost as much in width, comprising 400,000 square miles, and with a population of thirty-five millions. This would embrace the modern Polish provinces of Prussia, up to within a short distance of Berlin, with half the Prussian shore of the Baltic, Galicia in Austria, and the whole of that portion of Russia which at one time, some of it three hundred years ago, formed a part of Poland at her greatest extent. Po polsku: Biblioteka Dzieł Wyborowych. Polska jako Rycerz wśród narodów według Louis’a E. Van Normana, z przedmową Heleny Modrzejewskiej-Chłapowskiej. Część I, Warszawa, DRUK ED. NICZ i S-ka, NOWY-ŚWIAT 70.1908.Uwaga! PT Minister Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego jest usilnie proszony o spowodowanie zapewnienia pełnej i łatwej dostępności internetowej dzieła L. E. Van Normana w oryginale i w przekładach na polski i inne języki, np. niemiecki, francuski, rosyjski, a także o spowodowanie, żeby dwujęzyczne angielsko-polskie wydanie drukiem trafiło w ręce masowego odbiorcy, a w wersji albumowej z odpowiednimi ilustracjami stało się przedmiotem pożądania kolekcjonerów i prezentem godnym przeszłości Polski).
Luis E. Van Norman, Poland: 'The Knight Among Nations', 1907, 'Polska – rycerz wśród narodów', z przedmową Heleny Modrzejewskiej, 1908
Król Władysław Warneńczyk, król Jan III Sobieski, a po nich Marszałek Józef Piłsudski, generał Władysław Anders to wielcy rycerze Europy. Przesławna drużyna rycerze podniebnych RAFu, którzy walnie przyczynili się do przegranej Niemców w Bitwie o Anglię, reprezentuje liczące miliony rycerskie zastępy polskich oficerów, żołnierzy i cywilów spod różnych flag koalicji za przedostatnim razem wydzierającej Europę z gardła niemieckiego imperializmu. Polska rycerskość, która charakteryzowała tak znane postacie jak św. Maksymilian Maria Kolbe, twórca Rycerza Niepokalanej, rotmistrz Witold Pilecki, św. Jan Paweł II, członkowie rodziny Ulmów, przypomina o sobie i w roku 2016. Na maleńką skalę, ale przecież wyróżnia Polaków wśród innych. Tylko Polak zachował się po rycersku podczas eksperymentu w Szwecji, który miał pokazać jak ludzie reaguja na przemoc wobec kobiet. Tylko Polak potrafił obezwładnić pijanego meżczyznę w metrze w Los Angeles. Ci rycerze mogli zginąć śmiercią od pchnięcia nożem, tak częstym narzędziem zbrodni na Zachodzie, ale w obronie wartości wykazali się odwagą, której zabrakło innym. Rycerskość to marka Polaków. A także niezawodna tarcza Polski. Spróbuj pomyśleć, Polko i Polaku, co by Tobie zrobiono, gdyby nie rycerska postawa o. Tadeusza Rydzyka i liderów Zjednoczonej Prawicy?
(Jak pokazuje doświadczenie sprzed pół tysiąca lat i z czasów najnowszych, rycerzem może być każdy, niezależnie od płci, wieku i stanu. Także 17-latki, jak św. Joanna d'Arc, czy licealistka Marysia Sokołowska z Gorzowa, a nawet zakonnica klauzurowa ś. p. Matka Angelica, założycielka amerykańskiej stacji telewizyjnej EWTN, której rycerskość podkreślił o. dyrektor Tadeusz Rydzyk we wspomnieniu z 30. marca 2016 r.)
Niezależnie od aktualnie głoszonego i praktykowanego światopoglądu, każdy powinien znać i doceniać fakt, że podstawowe zasady rycerskości zostały zdefiniowane podczas prób odbicia Ziemi Świętej z rąk średniowiecznych dżihadystów. Etos rycerski można przedstawić w formie uczonego wywodu, albo w postaci dziesięciu zasad łatwych do zapamiętania. Oto one:
1. Uwierz naukom Kościoła i przestrzegaj wszystkich wskazówek Kościoła ;
2. Broń Kościoła ;
3. Szanuj wszystkie słabości i ustanów siebie ich obrońcą ;
4. Kochaj swój kraj ;
5. Nie cofaj się przed wrogiem ;
6. Nie okazuj litości niewiernym. Nie wahaj się podjąć walki z nimi ;
7. Wykonuj wszystkie obowiązki, które są zgodne z prawem Bożym ;
8. Nigdy nie kłam, ani nie cofaj danego słowa ;
9. Bądź hojny dla każdego ;
10. Zawsze i wszędzie opowiadaj się za tym co słuszne i dobre i przeciwko złu i niesprawiedliwości ;
(Léon Gautier, 1884, La Chevalerie, B. Arthaud, 1959. Le code de la Chevalerie: 1. Tu croiras à tout ce qu’enseigne l’Eglise et observeras tous ses commandements; 2. Tu protégeras l’Eglise ; 3. Tu auras le respect de toutes les faiblesses et tu t’en constitueras le défenseur ; 4. Tu aimeras le pays où tu es né ; 5. Tu ne reculeras pas devant l’ennemi ; 6. Tu feras aux infidèles une guerre sans trêve et sans merci ; 7. Tu t’acquitteras exactement de tes devoirs féodaux, s’il ne sont pas contraires à la loi de Dieu ; 8. Tu ne mentiras point et seras fidèle à la parole donnée ; 9. Tu seras libéral et feras largesse à tous ; 10. Tu seras, partout et toujours, le champion du Droit et du Bien contre l’Injustice et le Mal. Ten Commandments of chivalry: 1. Believe the Church’s teachings and observe all the Church’s directions ; 2. Defend the Church ; 3. Respect and defend all weaknesses ; 4. Love your country ; 5. Do not recoil before an enemy ; 6. Show no mercy to the Infidel. Do not hesitate to make war with them ; 7. Perform all duties that agree with the laws of God ; 8. Never lie or go back on one’s word ; 9. Be generous to everyone ; 10. Always and everywhere be right and good against evil and injustice.)
(Należy odnotować i wysoko ocenić - jak dotychczas nieskuteczne - wyspowe próby odrodzenia rycerskiego ducha Europejczyków, vide Jacques-Youenn de Quelen: Initiation au code de la chevalerie : théorie et pratique de l'esprit et du comportement chevaleresques, Publibook.com , Paris (décembre 2005.)
Europa pogrążona w oparach absurdu i zakłamania czeka na wybawicieli. Rycerze śpiący pod Giewontem, staną na czele w obrony Europy o ile Ojczyzna im na to pozwoli. Tymczasem w dniu centralnych obchodów w sejmie Narodowego Dnia Życia i na kilka dni przed niedzielnym Dniem Świętości Życia, Polacy dowiadują się od ministra zdrowia, że środek biobójczy EllaOne, homicyd służący zabijaniu najsłabszych ludzi, jeszcze przez 3 miesiące będzie dostępny bez recepty dla 15-letnich dziewczynek, a potem pozostanie w wykazie środków farmaceutycznych dopuszczonych do obrotu w Polsce, dlatego, że taka jest decyzja Unii Europejskiej. Veto! Niech rycerze staną w obronie życia najsłabszych nie tylko Polaków, lecz także pozostałych Europejczyków, w tym bezlitośnie krzywdzonych nastolatek. Kompromis bywa kompromitacją. Poprzedni tegoroczny felieton w sprawie aborcyjnych standardów europejskich i EllaOne przygotowałem na 11. marca. Niestety, nie został wyemitowany z powodu przekroczenia ram czasowych. Jest dostępny na stronie internetowej www.halat.pl
Słuchaczy Radia Maryja i Państwa bliskich pozdrawia dr Zbigniew Hałat, lekarz medycyny, specjalista epidemiolog.
(Poza nagraniem: rozszerzenia przekraczające pojemność czasową radiowego felietonu znajdą Państwo na stronie zawierającej teksty felietonów od roku 2005 portalu halat.pl ; tamże przypisy, odnośniki i ilustracje.)
Mary Sokolowska, age 17, was not afraid to ask the Prime Minister Donald Tusk, looking him in the eye, why he was a traitor to Poland.
An interview, May 23, 2014 (in Polish)
Wywiad z Marysią Sokołowską z Gorzowa Wlkp.
Rafał Zapadka: Pytania spoza kadru (18) do Marysi Sokołowskiej
NIECHAJ ŚWIAT ZNA, JAKIE CÓRKI POLSKA MA!
DAWNIEJ "NIECHAJ POLSKA ZNA, JAKICH SYNÓW MA"
Licealistka z I klasy Maria Sokołowska - Pogromczyni Tuska na Facebooku, lajkujcie póki to nie zabronione
Remarks by President Trump and President Duda of the Republic of Poland in Joint Press Conference
June 12, 2019
2:23 P.M. EDT
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you very much. Please. Today, Melania and I are honored to welcome President Duda and Mrs. Kornhauser-Duda of Poland back to the White House. They’ve become friends. We last hosted them in Washington, in September, and it’s wonderful to see you both again. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you. Great honor.
Since our last meeting, the unbreakable bonds between the United States and Poland have grown even closer. This year, as our nations mark 100 years of diplomatic relations, the U.S.-Polish alliance is stronger, by far, than ever before.
Earlier today, President Duda and I signed a joint declaration affirming the significant defense cooperation between our nations. And, as the declaration makes clear, the United States and Poland are not only bound by a strategic partnership, but by deep, common values, shared goals, and a very strong and abiding friendship.
Our people are united by the enduring ties of civilization, culture, and history. We respect the rule of law, revere individual rights, and prize our timeless traditions. We embrace country, faith, family, and freedom.
Over the past century, brave American and Polish patriots have repeatedly stood together to defend our sovereignty, our liberty, and our noble way of life.
When I was last in Poland, I was very proud to stand among veterans of the Warsaw Uprising and recall their incredible courage in the face of Nazi tyranny.
Today, we honor the sacrifices of all those who came before by doing our part to safeguard our independence and strengthen the incredible U.S.-Polish alliance.
As stated in the joint declaration, the United States and Poland continue to enhance our security cooperation. Poland will still provide basing and infrastructure to support military presence of about 1,000 American troops. The Polish government will build these projects at no cost to the United States. The Polish government will pay for this.
We thank President Duda and the people of Poland for their partnership in advancing our common security.
Poland’s burden sharing also extends to the NATO Alliance, where it is among eight NATO Allies, including the United States, currently meeting the minimum 2 percent of GDP that’s for defense spending. And Poland is there. And you’ve been there from a very early date, and we appreciate that very much. And we’ve been there also.
There’s been a total of 8 — 8 out of 28, and the rest are coming along. Because nations, at my urging, have paid more than $100 billion more toward the NATO defense.
Last month, I was very pleased that Poland announced the intent to purchase 32 American-made F-35 fighter aircraft, like you just saw.
Moments ago, we witnessed that impressive flyover of this cutting-edge F-35 as it flew over the White House and actually came to a — pretty close to a halt over the White House. I was saying, “What’s wrong with that plane? It’s not going very fast.” (Laughter.) But it’s an incredible — it’s an incredible thing when you can do that. That plane can land dead straight, and it’s one of the few in the world that can do that. Considered to be the greatest fighter jet in the world.
I applaud President Duda for its efforts to strengthen and modernize Poland’s defenses.
I also want to congratulate Poland for its progress on meeting U.S. criteria for entry into the Visa Waiver Program. Today, our country signed a Preventing and Combatting Serious Crimes Agreement — a significant and necessary step for Poland’s entry into the program. Though we still have some work to do, we hope to welcome Poland into the Visa Waiver Program very soon, and that’s a very big deal.
Both of our nations understand that immigration security is national security. In our meeting, President Duda and I discussed the vital issue of energy. Reliance on a single foreign supplier of energy leaves nations totally vulnerable to coercion and extortion.
For this reason, we support Poland’s construction of the Baltic pipeline, which will help European countries diversify their energy sources. It’s desperately needed, and that’s the way to go.
During the past year, Poland has also signed approximately 25 billion dollars’ worth of new contracts with U.S. firms to buy more than 6 billion cubic meters of U.S. liquefied natural gas. Today, our nations just signed another contract for an additional 2 billion cubic meters worth approximately $8 billion.
So between the planes and the liquefied natural gas, and many other things that Poland is doing — which is doing very well because Poland is doing very, very well — we appreciate it. Thank you very much, Mr. President.
Our countries also signed an agreement to expand U.S.-Polish civil nuclear cooperation, which will likewise advance Poland’s energy and security, and deepen our bilateral commercial ties.
Economic relations between the U.S. and Poland are thriving. We’re committed to further expanding commerce based on fairness and reciprocity — perhaps my favorite word.
Across many critical areas — from defense and diplomacy, to energy and economics — the alliance between the United States and Poland is reaching extraordinary new heights in 2019. Our longstanding partnership demonstrates the enormous possibilities for the world when two strong and independent nations unite in common purpose and in common cause.
President Duda, it’s a honor to have you with us. And, Mrs. Duda, thank you very much for being here. We usher in a very exciting new era in U.S.-Polish alliance. It’s a very special alliance with very special people. We build a future of promise and prosperity for the American and the Polish people. And, again, our relationship is an extraordinary one, and it’s going to remain that for a long, long time.
Thank you very much, Mr. President. Thank you. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) Distinguished Mr. President, wonderful First Lady of the United States of America, distinguished ministers, all distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen:
First and foremost, together with my wife, we would like to thank you very much, Mr. President Donald Trump. Thank you also to the First Lady Melania Trump for this invitation to Washington. Thank you for this possibility of holding another, within the last 10 months, official visit to the United States here at the White House.
This clearly demonstrates how close and how good contacts are today between Poland and the United States. Mr. President, all of us hope that you will visit us in Poland, in September, and that we will be able, together, to commemorate the memory of all those who fell and who perished during the Second World War, which started on the 1st of September, 1939, in Poland through the attack of Nazi Germans on our country. And soon, unfortunately, our country vanished from the map of Europe after the attack of the Soviet Union, against Poland, together with Nazi Germany.
That is our history. It’s a very difficult one. And today, we firmly believe that the true ally of Poland, but also a true ally of a free Europe, is precisely the United States of America, who helped that very Europe in such a huge way to win the Second World War and later to establish an independent, sovereign, and free world, which later turned into the European Union.
It exists until this day, and thanks to God. Also thanks to the support of the United States, through the support of subsequent Presidents since 1989; thanks to the great Movement of Solidarity; thanks to the great determination of the Polish nation.
Also, we are part of the free world. Also, Poland, which liberated itself from behind the Iron Curtain — which later led to the collapse of the Iron Curtain through the votes of the people casting elections in 1989. In those elections, people said no to Communists. Also, Poland can develop today as an independent and truly sovereign country — a country which wants to build the European community and a country which also wants to build the Euro-Atlantic community.
In our understanding, this is an absolutely key element of peace and good cooperation across the globe. Thank you very much, Mr. President. Thank you that for sure you are among those Presidents of the United States who understand how it works perfectly. You understand that when the U.S. looks at Europe, when it looks at the security of the European states, it plays a key role for the peace around the globe. It is of key importance for a peaceful development of democratic states and democratic communities.
Thank you, Mr. President, for this extreme kindness towards Poland and perfect understanding of Polish matters, which you showed to us in 2017 during your visit to Poland, during your memorable speech that you gave at the Monument of the Warsaw Uprising where so immensely important words for Polish people fell, which are of historic importance to our nation and to Europe. They showed what Poland means and who Poles are.
Mr. President, thank you for uttering those words back then. And thank you also for this policy which is being implemented right now, which demonstrates that you are this kind of man and this kind of a politician who not only speaks, but to whom first and most important are the deeds. The most important are the deeds.
And whenever you say, Mr. President, “Make America Great Again,” it means “make” not “say.” And this precisely is of crucial importance, hence the agreements that we are signing; hence two agreements between our two states concluded today: two memorandums of understanding, which we signed just a moment ago. One of them I signed personally concerning the security and military cooperation.
As you mentioned, sir, there will be more American troops in Poland. This is going to be an enhanced cooperation. It’s going to be an enduring presence, which hopefully will increase gradually in terms of the number of troops, but also in terms of infrastructure which is very important.
Thank you also for the decision to establish the division headquarters in Poland. This is of huge importance not only to Poland, but also to our part of Europe, to Central Europe, to the Baltic States, and to all those to whom the enhanced forward presence was established, of the United States and other NATO states, along NATO’s eastern flank. I’m deeply grateful for that.
But thank you, Mr. President, also for the remaining agreements. Thank you for this agreement which talks about preventing and combatting serious crimes. It moves us closer to visa waiver program between Poland and the United States — which to you, Mr. President, and to me, and, first and foremost to Poles, is so important — is of such a crucial importance.
Thank you, Mr. President, also for excellent energy cooperation that we have in terms of LNG supplies. We talked about this in 2017, in Warsaw, during our meeting, that gas from the United States should be delivered to Poland. And it is delivered. And we are signing more contracts. And gas tankers from the United States are coming to the Port of Świnoujście today. And the gas from the United States has become a fact in Poland and in our part of Europe.
Thank you, Mr. President, that there are going to be more supplies. I’m very happy about that, because to us, it means diversification of sources of supplies. It also means the development of gas security. To us, it also means good business, just as I do really believe is a good business for the United States of America. But thank you also for the agreement cooperation in terms of nuclear energy used for civil purposes.
I hope that, together, we will be able to implement this program with the benefit for environment protection with the benefit for (inaudible) protection across the globe, and also for the development of the security of my homeland.
Mr. President, I am deeply grateful for this visit. I’m pleased that, thanks to this presence, we’re able to show the very good cooperation that we have between Poland as part of the European Union and the United States.
And I firmly believe that thanks to your incredible view of the European matters, and thanks to your understanding to our Polish matters and to the meanders of our history, this cooperation is going to develop better and better, first and foremost also with the benefit for the United States whose interests you are representing, Mr. President, and also understanding the rest of the world.
Thank you very much for that. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you. Thank you very much. We’ll take a few questions. Emerald? OAN.
Q Thank you, Mr. President.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you.
Q Earlier in the Oval Office, before you did your meeting with President Duda, you were quite critical of Germany, as you talked about possibly moving troops from Germany to Poland. Do you think that doing a move like that will put pressure on Germany to meet their defense spending requirements?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: No, I don’t think so. I just will tell you very strongly that I think Germany is making a tremendous mistake by relying so heavily on the pipeline. And I think it’s a tremendous mistake for Germany. But again, Germany is running their affairs. And they’ll do just fine.
But I was critical. I had been critical of it. It’s a tremendous amount of their energy will be supplied by that pipeline.
At the same time, having nothing to do with Germany, Poland said that we would like to build a facility, a great facility, and we’d like to have you come to that facility. So we’re going to be there with a limited force, but we’ll be there. And we appreciate Poland doing what they’re doing. It’s a great location. It’s a tremendous — it’s a tremendous plant, tremendous facility. And it’s our honor to be there.
Poland has been a tremendous friend of ours for a long time. And when Melania and I were there not so long ago, it was a very special day. I think it was a special day for Poland, also. But it was a very special day for our country. So I appreciate that. And our relationship is just a very strong one.
Q And, if I may, would you indulge me with one more question before I get —
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Yeah, go ahead.
Q — to ask President Duda a question? In more recent news, yesterday you revealed you got another letter from Kim Jong Un. And today we hear of the potential thawing of relations between South Korea and North Korea as Kim Jong Un is sending his sister to South Korea. Now, could you give us an update on more of what was in that letter? And is there a third summit in the works?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: He just wrote me a very nice letter, unexpected. And someday you’ll see what was in that letter. Someday you’ll be reading about it. Maybe in 100 years from now, maybe in two weeks. Who knows? But it was a very nice letter. It was a very warm, very nice letter. I appreciated it. Okay?
Q Thank you.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Good. Thank you very much.
Q And then, if I may, for President Duda?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Please.
Q You said you were thankful for the commitment that the President made for more troops today, but you hinted that you would like to see more. Ultimately, what is the number of troops that you’d like to see in Poland? U.S. troops.
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) Madam, this, of course, is always going to be the decision of the United States of America.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: He’d like to see 250,000 troops. (Laughter.) We’ll keep it (inaudible).
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) It’s always going to be up to the United States to decide how many troops there will be sent to Pol — to which Allied nation.
Of course, I know that this depends on the needs and on the real situation on the ground. Of course, I know that this depends on the needs and on the real situation on the ground. Of course, we are very pleased that the U.S. troops are present by giving an evidence to the sustainability and strength of the Alliance. And the U.S. soldiers are kindly treated in Poland. They are received as friends.
And we are happy that they are serving in our country. We would like those bonds between Poland and the United States to become even tighter. And we are trying, also, to create the best possible conditions for American soldiers.
Q Thank you very much, President Trump. Thank you very much, President Duda. I have questions to both of you actually.
President Trump, you plan to enhance U.S. military presence in Poland. Last year, you promised you would enhance our military cooperation, training, intelligence, missile defense, and it’s happening right now. People of Poland still remember your incredible speech in Warsaw. Why Poland is such an important ally for you?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: I just have a very warm feeling for Poland. I always have. And it’s now even beyond that because of the relationship, which we’ve developed with your President and First Lady. And it’s just — they’re very — they’re incredible people. Hard working, smart, very industrious people. And what they’ve done with the country over the last five years has been something that the world has watched and the world has marveled at.
I’ve just liked Poland. So when the President came and he asked me whether or not we’d consider this, I said, “I will consider it.” And now, because of his leadership, we’re able to do that. And that’s fine with me. That’s great. Great people. And say “hello.”
Q So I understand we can — we’ll see you in September, in Warsaw, correct?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: We are looking very seriously at going back to Poland. And I don’t know what the President has in store for us, but we’re thinking about going back sometime in September. Yes. Thank you.
Q Amazing. Thank you. Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you.
Q (As interpreted.) A question to President Duda. Mr. President, so far, we have been talking about a rotational presence of U.S. troops in our country. Right now, we are talking about permanent or enduring presence. What does that mean in concrete terms? And when can we expect those additional U.S. troops to arrive?
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) I understand it in the follow way: President Donald Trump and myself are implementing a very calm but consistent policy in terms of security. The presence of the United States in Poland — the military presence — the presence of U.S. troops, which today is about 4,500 troops present on a permanent basis. In other words, it is a rotational presence but it is back-to-back presence. So there is no moment where there are no American troops in the territory of Poland.
And today, we signed a document and further cooperation: a Joint Declaration on Defense Cooperation Regarding the United States Force Posture in the Republic of Poland.
This is of a breakthrough character because it moves us to another era. So far, we can say that the Americans were testing the situation in Poland: how it looks, how it feels; what about logistics; whether it is possible to stay in Poland and to successfully attain the goals and implement the tasks of defensive nature.
I think that the commanders of U.S. Army are convinced that this is simply possible. And today, the documents speaks about this enduring presence — the presence which is a fact and which will stay there.
It is a rotational presence, (inaudible) because this is most beneficial from today’s perspective to train soldiers through rotational presence. By having rotational presence, more soldiers can come to a country, be present there, look at a culture and the condition in place in a given country. So this is beneficial for this, (inaudible) understood a development of the armed forces. Therefore, this is an enduring presence. However, it is implementing this particular way.
And we hope it’s going to develop 1,000 troops, mentioned by President Trump today, which is also — the numbers stipulated in the agreement signed today is very differentiated. It is not one single unit. We are talking about special operation forces. We are talking about logistics component. We are also talking about the already-mentioned division headquarters.
So there is a multitude of forums in which the United States is going to be gradually evermore present in our territory, from the military standpoint. And this will encompass different fields of cooperation. So we’re not talking about just one single beat, but we’re talking about a more comprehensive cooperation. We’re talking about logistics, (inaudible) protection for soldiers, and a number of other elements happening.
Please remember that, right now, there is this missile defense facility being built in Redzikowo. So, talking about the elements of Polish-American cooperation, there are more and more of these elements, and the number is growing. I’m very happy with that. Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Let’s see, who do I like? (Laughter.) Nobody. That’s the end. (Laughter.)
Go ahead. Yeah.
Q Me? Mr. President, thank you very much. President Duda, thank you.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: I was pointing at you, but you can go ahead. Here we go.
Q You were pointing to —
PRESIDENT TRUMP: I was actually pointing to my friend with that beautiful hat on, but that’s okay.
Q Jeff Mason. All right, well —
PRESIDENT TRUMP: You’ll give up your question?
Q Well, I’ll give him my follow-up question.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: You’ll give up your —
Q We can share it.
Q We’ll share the question.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Huh? Okay. We’ll share it. Good.
Q Mr. President, you seemed to suggest, yesterday, that you’re essentially committing to not spying on North Korea. Is that what you meant? Were those comments interpreted accurately? If so, why?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: No, it’s not what I meant. It’s what I said. And that’s — I think it’s different than maybe your interpretation. I think we’re going to do very well with North Korea over a period of time. I’m in no rush. The sanctions are on. We got our hostages back. Our remains are coming back; you saw the beautiful ceremony in Hawaii with Mike Pence. We’re getting the remains back. There’s been no nuclear testing whatsoever. They’d like to do something. I did get, you know, a very — as I said yesterday, a very nice letter from Chairman Kim. And I think we’re doing very well.
When I took over as President, I will tell you, it looked like it was going to be war with North Korea. You know that. Everybody knows that. And it was going to be quite brutal. A strong force. We’re the strongest force in the world, but that’s a strong force.
And we started off a very rough relationship, and I think we have a very good relationship right now. So we’ll see what happens. I’m in no rush. I’m in no rush.
But there’s been no nuclear testing whatsoever. And when I took over, it was nuclear testing all the time. And if you look back to the last four, five, six years — but really go back further than that. In all fairness to President Obama, go back 20 years, 15 years. It was, really, a very dangerous situation. I consider it to be different now.
Now, I may change. And if I change, you will know it very quickly. I will be very quick to tell you exactly what’s going on. I may change. But right now, we have a good relationship, and I think, probably, better than we’ve had for maybe 25 years, maybe forever.
You know, they’ve been there a long time — the grandfather, the father, the son. And they’ve been there for a long time, and nobody has done anything except me. And so we’ll see how it all turns out. I hope it turns out well for you and for everybody.
Q And I’ll give my follow-up to Jeff. Very quickly, President Duda, thank you. Do you see Russia as an ally or an adversary?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Are you talking to me?
Q To President Duda.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Boy, was that a set-up question. (Laughter.)
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) I would very much like Russia to be a friend of Poland because it is our great neighbor. It is a country much bigger than Poland, with a bigger potential than Poland in every single respect — except for one, perhaps. I believe that we have got more courage in us — that we are more brave, more courageous, and are able to fight until the end, irrespective of everything.
This is actually what we demonstrated in World War Two, at the Battle of Monte Cassino. We demonstrated that in the Warsaw Uprising. We demonstrated that in many other places around the globe where Polish soldiers died to make sure that Poland is free after the Second World War.
This, unfortunately, did not happen. We found ourselves under the Russian occupation. But even then, for almost 20 years, after World War Two, there was this anti-Communist, anti-Soviet underground, which fought against the Soviets, and those people were murdered. Today, we call them “Unbreakable Soldiers.” We commemorate their memory, although they were dug underground to make it impossible for anyone to find their remains and so that they couldn’t have graves built.
So we were always fighting. We always knew how to defend ourselves. Nevertheless, history was brutal towards us. We never had a great friendship with Russia. Russia was always looking out to take our territory. It was a partitioner in Poland for 123 years. Poland did not exist because part of the territory was taken by Russia.
Poles were deported to the east. Then came an aggression on the right — on the recently reborn Poland, which rose in 1918 from the ashes of the First World War. And in 1919, the Soviet Russia attacked Poland. It wanted to grab Poland’s territory and bring communism to the west of Europe. It was us who stopped Soviets at Warsaw in 1920.
By the bravery of Polish soldiers, we defeated them during a great battle. And then we chased them back to the east. And then they took their revenge on us in 1939 by attacking us, together with Nazi Germany, and murdering our officers in Katyn.
So, madam, as you can see, this friendship is a very difficult one. Today, we are in the following situation: Russia attacked Georgia. Then, in 2014, it attacked Ukraine. And these are facts. These are facts which belong to the recent history.
We would like Russia to be our friend, but unfortunately, Russia again is showing its very unkind, unpleasant, imperial face, and we do not want to be part of Russia’s sphere of influence.
And I am happy that today we can speak boldly, also in connection with the military presence of the U.S. and NATO in Poland, that we truly are, first and foremost, in terms of politics, part of the West. Because we have always been part of the West, in terms of culture. We have always been part of the West, because it is from the West from which we adopted Christianity in 966, more than 1,000 years ago. And since that time, we have been part of the West of Europe. We have been part of the great Christian culture of Western Europe.
But we have to stick to this West also, in terms of politics. And this is what we want — and I firmly believe that this is the biggest desire of Polish people: to be part of the West also in terms of politics.
Thank you that the United States is supporting us in this respect.
Q For the — excuse me.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: And just to finish, I hope that Poland is going to have a great relationship with Russia. I think it’s possible. I really do. I think because of what you’ve done and the strength — and maybe we help also, because of what we’re doing and doing for Poland.
But I hope that Poland is going to have a great relationship with Russia. I hope we’re going to have a great relationship with Russia and, by the way, China and many other countries. And we look forward to doing things on North Korea — just to go back to the original part of your question. And we’ll see how that works out.
I do want to say, though: We’re in no hurry. The sanctions are on. China has actually been helping us quite a bit. And despite our trade differences right now — we thought we had a deal, and unfortunately, they decided that they were going to change the deal, and they can’t do that with me. But something is going to happen, and I think it’s going to be something very positive.
But we think we’re going to get along with a lot of countries that, frankly, did not respect us very much because they were ripping us off for many, many years. And they’re not ripping us off anymore.
Q Thank you, sir. Regarding China, what is your deadline, if you have one, for China to make progress on trade before you impose the tariffs on the other $325 billion in goods?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, we’re going to be meeting — President Xi and myself — and you know we have a very good relationship. But, again, he’s for China and I’m for the U.S. It’s a big difference. And we thought we had a deal. We didn’t have a deal. And I would never make something that would be less than what we already had.
We had China opened up to trade. That’s a big thing. They’ve never done that before. We had intellectual property theft taken care of and taken care of beautifully. And all of the sudden, those things started to disappear at the end, after they were fully negotiated.
But that’s — you know, that’s their decision. I think if they had to do again — and in light of the fact that we have 25 percent on $250 billion of goods coming into the United States. And unlike a lot of countries, they subsidize those goods. We haven’t had inflation. And, you know, they keep saying that the American taxpayer is paying for it. No. No. Very little.
And what it really does mean is that a lot of those companies that are in China are going to be moving back to the U.S. You have car companies — General Motors, as an example — that built plants in China. Well, that doesn’t work out too well when you have the tariff wall up because now they’re going to have to get through that and they can’t really get through that. So maybe they’ll start building plants in the United States instead.
I think that we’ll end up making a deal with China. We have a very good relationship, although it’s a little bit testy right now, as you would expect. I think they really have to make a deal. A lot of companies are leaving China, as you know. It’s in all the reports. And they’re going to Vietnam and various other places, and they’re also coming to the United States to make their product because they don’t want to pay the tariff.
And there is no tariff if you do it in the United States. People don’t realize that. You know, they say “the tariff,” but there is no tariff if you don’t do it — you know, if you just do exactly as I say: You bring your company back to the United States.
And as far as Mexico is concerned, which was a very big topic yesterday — and now people are finding out that the reports that were written were totally false — we would never have had a deal with Mexico without imposing tariffs. Once the tariffs were imposed — and they’ve been trying to make this deal with Mexico for 20 years, 25 years. The older reporters, those great reporters with the very gray hair in the back — you know who I’m talking about; they know exactly what I’m talking about — you would have never made the deal with Mexico.
We have a great deal with Mexico. I actually think we have a much better relationship right now with Mexico because they respect us again. But you would never have had that deal if I didn’t impose the tariffs. And those tariffs were ready to going to on Monday morning, and we made the deal on, essentially, Sunday night.
And that extra little page of the deal that you saw that brilliantly — I had gained such respect for you people when I held it up to the sunlight and it was closed, and you were able to read it through the sunlight. That was not anticipated. But regardless, I mean, you knew enough of what it said. And I didn’t do it on purpose, but we have a lot of strength in 45 days if we decide to use that strength. Maybe we will, and maybe we won’t. But there’s a lot of power right now in the border.
And I will say this: Mexico is, right now, doing more for the United States on illegal immigration and all of the problems of crime and other problems on the border than the Democrats. We can solve our problem on the border in 15 minutes if the Democrats would sit down, straighten out asylum — which is a total mess, but very uncomplicated — straighten out asylum, and get rid of the loopholes. It would take, Jeff, 15 minutes.
Okay? Thank you. Please.
Q But just — my original question, sir, was: Do you have a deadline for imposing the 325?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: No, I have no deadline. My deadline is what’s up here. We’ll figure out the deadline.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Nobody can quite figure it out.
Q And, President Duda, if I could just throw one your way as well: You said in the Oval Office earlier that democracy in Poland was strong. Not all of your European Union counterparts agree with that. How is forcing Supreme Court justices to retire early consistent with democratic principles? And, President Trump, is that something that you support?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: No.
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) Ladies and gentlemen, this is a very complex issue. And it’s hard to answer this question because a lot of people in Western Europe — I think also in the U.S. — do not fully understand this problem because they have not grown up in a country such as mine.
I was born in 1972, in a Poland which was in the Russian sphere of influence, in which a career could be made only, actually, when somebody enrolled as member of the Communist Party and who followed these people’s power who was the supreme authority. And this is what was happening for many years.
Although, as you know, ladies and gentlemen, as Solidarity Movement grew, people were imprisoned, people were tortured, people were killed during the martial law, and after as well — be it openly or in a secret way. And this was the reality of Poland until 1989.
And now imagine, ladies and gentlemen, that no so long ago — a few years ago — I was surprised to discover that, in the Polish Supreme Court, there was a whole group of justices who were issuing sentencing as judges — members of the Communist Party — before 1990, who were even passing sentences during the martial law, sentencing people to prisons based on the law of the Communist martial law.
And when I was asked whether the Supreme Court needs to be reformed, I said “yes.” If Poland is supposed to be a truly democratic, free, and sovereign country, if it is supposed to be a country we want it to be for our children, for the generation who was born after, in 1989, then for God’s sake, those people have to leave. They have to retire. And this is what we did.
As a matter of fact, everything that we were doing was aimed at retiring those people. But, as you can see, unfortunately, although 30 years have passed, they have got influence — the influence which they were building after 1989 where they assumed a new identity of an elite of a new state. So this influence is still strong. This is what I can say.
And let me assure you of one thing: that freedom of speech is absolutely respected in Poland. Poland absolutely respects all constitutional standards, just as in the United States: the right to assemble; the right to the freedom of speech. There is free media in Poland. There is everything that is functioning in a normal democracy.
One can announce what they think, one can demonstrate, one can say what they think. In Poland, people are not attacked during demonstrations as it happens in other Western European countries. Police do not use truncheons or tear gas against people. People can speak their mind. They can express that they’re not pleased with something. This is their right in democracy.
Please ask Polish journalists, “When was the last time — when was the last demonstration in Poland when some kind of tension happened?” No, it didn’t, because in Poland we respect the right to demonstrate and to express your concern, because we believe that this is one of the foundations of democracy. In Poland, there is absolutely free and just elections. All the standards are respected.
So, please, ladies and gentleman, come to Poland and see Poland with your own eyes. Please do not repeat certain stereotypes that are repeated in the West. Poland, today, has got quite a conservative government, that is true. And this government has got certain standards of action. Not everybody subscribes to those standards, especially people of more leftist views. But this is the nature of democracy.
So once you have got one side of the political scene in power, and then people make a different choice and another side of the political stage comes to power. There is nothing extraordinary about that. And this is the change that is happening in Poland.
But when somebody wins the elections, they then have the right to implement the program which they announced before the elections. Excuse me, however, realizing that implementing the program, which you presented in your election campaign, is not only the right, but I think an obligation resting on a politician. And this is exactly what is happening in Poland.
Q A question for both Presidents. Mr. President, you said just a moment ago that Poland will join the visa waiver program soon. How soon?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: We think fairly soon. We’re doing very well with it. It’s a complex situation, as you know. But we’re getting very close. We allow very few countries to join, but Poland is one that we’re thinking about allowing in. So we’ll be making that decision over the next, probably, 90 days.
Q Sir, will you hope, or do you think that maybe when you are in Poland in September you will make the announcement?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: I think it’s a very good idea. Thank you very much for giving me that idea. (Laughter.)
Q Thank you, Mr. President.
(As interpreted.) Mr. President, the visa waiver program appeared on many occasions but then it did not come into practice. How optimistic are we about the words uttered right now by President Donald Trump?
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) I’m looking at these words optimistic. I’m optimistic about that because I think this is the first U.S. administration which has treated this problem in such a serious way and in such a comprehensive way. So, both.
When we talk with Mr. President, we — the President expresses his deep care about that. Also, when I talk with President, Mosbacher — the U.S. Ambassador to Warsaw — she looks at the problem all the time. And I firmly believe that, in accordance with the law binding the United States — because this is something that I want to stress very strongly — according to the law, binding in the United States, by all the actions which are necessary in this respect such as today’s signing of the agreement on preventing and committing serious crimes, I believe that, through all these sanctions, this visa waiver program — covering Poles with visa waiver program — is going to be possible soon. Anyway, that it is going to be possible before the end of the first term of President Donald Trump.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Okay. Thank you very much. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
Thank you very much. Thank you.
3:04 P.M. EDT
Presidential Message in Commemoration of the 40th Anniversary of Pope John Paul II’s First Pilgrimage to Poland
June 2, 2019
On this day, we commemorate the 40th anniversary of St. Pope John Paul II’s historic celebration of the Mass on June 2, 1979, in Warsaw, the opening of a nine-day visit to Poland that changed the course of history. As we remember the long struggle of the Polish people against communism, we also acknowledge that millions of people now live in freedom because of St. Pope John Paul II and his extraordinary life as a follower of Jesus Christ and a champion for human dignity and religious liberty.
In his homily forty years ago, St. Pope John Paul II delivered a powerful message of hope to the crowd gathered in Warsaw, to all of Poland, and to the world. His words stood tall against the repressive forces of communism throughout Poland and the rest of Europe. He inspired courage in the hearts of millions of men and women to seek a better, freer life.
Today, we celebrate this historic moment and reaffirm our commitment to ensuring that freedom always prevails. The United States and our allies stand united against the shackles of communism and as a beacon of liberty and prosperity throughout the world.
Melania joins me in remembering St. Pope John Paul II, whose poignant address stirred the soul of the Polish people and eventually helped tear down the Iron Curtain of communism in Europe. May we continue to be strengthened by his words and his call to God’s abundant compassion, strength, and glory.
Remarks by President Trump to the 73rd Session of the United Nations General Assembly | New York, NY
September 25, 2018
United Nations Headquarters
New York, New York
10:38 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Madam President, Mr. Secretary-General, world leaders, ambassadors, and distinguished delegates:
One year ago, I stood before you for the first time in this grand hall. I addressed the threats facing our world, and I presented a vision to achieve a brighter future for all of humanity.
Today, I stand before the United Nations General Assembly to share the extraordinary progress we’ve made.
In less than two years, my administration has accomplished more than almost any administration in the history of our country.
America’s — so true. (Laughter.) Didn’t expect that reaction, but that’s okay. (Laughter and applause.)
America’s economy is booming like never before. Since my election, we’ve added $10 trillion in wealth. The stock market is at an all-time high in history, and jobless claims are at a 50-year low. African American, Hispanic American, and Asian American unemployment have all achieved their lowest levels ever recorded. We’ve added more than 4 million new jobs, including half a million manufacturing jobs.
We have passed the biggest tax cuts and reforms in American history. We’ve started the construction of a major border wall, and we have greatly strengthened border security.
We have secured record funding for our military — $700 billion this year, and $716 billion next year. Our military will soon be more powerful than it has ever been before.
In other words, the United States is stronger, safer, and a richer country than it was when I assumed office less than two years ago.
We are standing up for America and for the American people. And we are also standing up for the world.
This is great news for our citizens and for peace-loving people everywhere. We believe that when nations respect the rights of their neighbors, and defend the interests of their people, they can better work together to secure the blessings of safety, prosperity, and peace.
Each of us here today is the emissary of a distinct culture, a rich history, and a people bound together by ties of memory, tradition, and the values that make our homelands like nowhere else on Earth.
That is why America will always choose independence and cooperation over global governance, control, and domination.
I honor the right of every nation in this room to pursue its own customs, beliefs, and traditions. The United States will not tell you how to live or work or worship.
We only ask that you honor our sovereignty in return.
From Warsaw to Brussels, to Tokyo to Singapore, it has been my highest honor to represent the United States abroad. I have forged close relationships and friendships and strong partnerships with the leaders of many nations in this room, and our approach has already yielded incredible change.
With support from many countries here today, we have engaged with North Korea to replace the specter of conflict with a bold and new push for peace.
In June, I traveled to Singapore to meet face to face with North Korea’s leader, Chairman Kim Jong Un.
We had highly productive conversations and meetings, and we agreed that it was in both countries’ interest to pursue the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. Since that meeting, we have already seen a number of encouraging measures that few could have imagined only a short time ago.
The missiles and rockets are no longer flying in every direction. Nuclear testing has stopped. Some military facilities are already being dismantled. Our hostages have been released. And as promised, the remains of our fallen heroes are being returned home to lay at rest in American soil.
I would like to thank Chairman Kim for his courage and for the steps he has taken, though much work remains to be done. The sanctions will stay in place until denuclearization occurs.
I also want to thank the many member states who helped us reach this moment — a moment that is actually far greater than people would understand; far greater — but for also their support and the critical support that we will all need going forward.
A special thanks to President Moon of South Korea, Prime Minister Abe of Japan, and President Xi of China.
In the Middle East, our new approach is also yielding great strides and very historic change.
Following my trip to Saudi Arabia last year, the Gulf countries opened a new center to target terrorist financing. They are enforcing new sanctions, working with us to identify and track terrorist networks, and taking more responsibility for fighting terrorism and extremism in their own region.
The UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar have pledged billions of dollars to aid the people of Syria and Yemen. And they are pursuing multiple avenues to ending Yemen’s horrible, horrific civil war.
Ultimately, it is up to the nations of the region to decide what kind of future they want for themselves and their children.
For that reason, the United States is working with the Gulf Cooperation Council, Jordan, and Egypt to establish a regional strategic alliance so that Middle Eastern nations can advance prosperity, stability, and security across their home region.
Thanks to the United States military and our partnership with many of your nations, I am pleased to report that the bloodthirsty killers known as ISIS have been driven out from the territory they once held in Iraq and Syria. We will continue to work with friends and allies to deny radical Islamic terrorists any funding, territory or support, or any means of infiltrating our borders.
The ongoing tragedy in Syria is heartbreaking. Our shared goals must be the de-escalation of military conflict, along with a political solution that honors the will of the Syrian people. In this vein, we urge the United Nations-led peace process be reinvigorated. But, rest assured, the United States will respond if chemical weapons are deployed by the Assad regime.
I commend the people of Jordan and other neighboring countries for hosting refugees from this very brutal civil war.
As we see in Jordan, the most compassionate policy is to place refugees as close to their homes as possible to ease their eventual return to be part of the rebuilding process. This approach also stretches finite resources to help far more people, increasing the impact of every dollar spent.
Every solution to the humanitarian crisis in Syria must also include a strategy to address the brutal regime that has fueled and financed it: the corrupt dictatorship in Iran.
Iran’s leaders sow chaos, death, and destruction. They do not respect their neighbors or borders, or the sovereign rights of nations. Instead, Iran’s leaders plunder the nation’s resources to enrich themselves and to spread mayhem across the Middle East and far beyond.
The Iranian people are rightly outraged that their leaders have embezzled billions of dollars from Iran’s treasury, seized valuable portions of the economy, and looted the people’s religious endowments, all to line their own pockets and send their proxies to wage war. Not good.
Iran’s neighbors have paid a heavy toll for the region’s [regime’s] agenda of aggression and expansion. That is why so many countries in the Middle East strongly supported my decision to withdraw the United States from the horrible 2015 Iran Nuclear Deal and re-impose nuclear sanctions.
The Iran deal was a windfall for Iran’s leaders. In the years since the deal was reached, Iran’s military budget grew nearly 40 percent. The dictatorship used the funds to build nuclear-capable missiles, increase internal repression, finance terrorism, and fund havoc and slaughter in Syria and Yemen.
The United States has launched a campaign of economic pressure to deny the regime the funds it needs to advance its bloody agenda. Last month, we began re-imposing hard-hitting nuclear sanctions that had been lifted under the Iran deal. Additional sanctions will resume November 5th, and more will follow. And we’re working with countries that import Iranian crude oil to cut their purchases substantially.
We cannot allow the world’s leading sponsor of terrorism to possess the planet’s most dangerous weapons. We cannot allow a regime that chants “Death to America,” and that threatens Israel with annihilation, to possess the means to deliver a nuclear warhead to any city on Earth. Just can’t do it.
We ask all nations to isolate Iran’s regime as long as its aggression continues. And we ask all nations to support Iran’s people as they struggle to reclaim their religious and righteous destiny.
This year, we also took another significant step forward in the Middle East. In recognition of every sovereign state to determine its own capital, I moved the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem.
The United States is committed to a future of peace and stability in the region, including peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians. That aim is advanced, not harmed, by acknowledging the obvious facts.
America’s policy of principled realism means we will not be held hostage to old dogmas, discredited ideologies, and so-called experts who have been proven wrong over the years, time and time again. This is true not only in matters of peace, but in matters of prosperity.
We believe that trade must be fair and reciprocal. The United States will not be taken advantage of any longer.
For decades, the United States opened its economy — the largest, by far, on Earth — with few conditions. We allowed foreign goods from all over the world to flow freely across our borders.
Yet, other countries did not grant us fair and reciprocal access to their markets in return. Even worse, some countries abused their openness to dump their products, subsidize their goods, target our industries, and manipulate their currencies to gain unfair advantage over our country. As a result, our trade deficit ballooned to nearly $800 billion a year.
For this reason, we are systematically renegotiating broken and bad trade deals.
Last month, we announced a groundbreaking U.S.-Mexico trade agreement. And just yesterday, I stood with President Moon to announce the successful completion of the brand new U.S.-Korea trade deal. And this is just the beginning.
Many nations in this hall will agree that the world trading system is in dire need of change. For example, countries were admitted to the World Trade Organization that violate every single principle on which the organization is based. While the United States and many other nations play by the rules, these countries use government-run industrial planning and state-owned enterprises to rig the system in their favor. They engage in relentless product dumping, forced technology transfer, and the theft of intellectual property.
The United States lost over 3 million manufacturing jobs, nearly a quarter of all steel jobs, and 60,000 factories after China joined the WTO. And we have racked up $13 trillion in trade deficits over the last two decades.
But those days are over. We will no longer tolerate such abuse. We will not allow our workers to be victimized, our companies to be cheated, and our wealth to be plundered and transferred. America will never apologize for protecting its citizens.
The United States has just announced tariffs on another $200 billion in Chinese-made goods for a total, so far, of $250 billion. I have great respect and affection for my friend, President Xi, but I have made clear our trade imbalance is just not acceptable. China’s market distortions and the way they deal cannot be tolerated.
As my administration has demonstrated, America will always act in our national interest.
I spoke before this body last year and warned that the U.N. Human Rights Council had become a grave embarrassment to this institution, shielding egregious human rights abusers while bashing America and its many friends.
Our Ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki Haley, laid out a clear agenda for reform, but despite reported and repeated warnings, no action at all was taken.
So the United States took the only responsible course: We withdrew from the Human Rights Council, and we will not return until real reform is enacted.
For similar reasons, the United States will provide no support in recognition to the International Criminal Court. As far as America is concerned, the ICC has no jurisdiction, no legitimacy, and no authority. The ICC claims near-universal jurisdiction over the citizens of every country, violating all principles of justice, fairness, and due process. We will never surrender America’s sovereignty to an unelected, unaccountable, global bureaucracy.
America is governed by Americans. We reject the ideology of globalism, and we embrace the doctrine of patriotism.
Around the world, responsible nations must defend against threats to sovereignty not just from global governance, but also from other, new forms of coercion and domination.
In America, we believe strongly in energy security for ourselves and for our allies. We have become the largest energy producer anywhere on the face of the Earth.
The United States stands ready to export our abundant, affordable supply of oil, clean coal, and natural gas.
OPEC and OPEC nations, are, as usual, ripping off the rest of the world, and I don’t like it. Nobody should like it. We defend many of these nations for nothing, and then they take advantage of us by giving us high oil prices. Not good.
We want them to stop raising prices, we want them to start lowering prices, and they must contribute substantially to military protection from now on. We are not going to put up with it — these horrible prices — much longer.
Reliance on a single foreign supplier can leave a nation vulnerable to extortion and intimidation. That is why we congratulate European states, such as Poland, for leading the construction of a Baltic pipeline so that nations are not dependent on Russia to meet their energy needs. Germany will become totally dependent on Russian energy if it does not immediately change course.
Here in the Western Hemisphere, we are committed to maintaining our independence from the encroachment of expansionist foreign powers.
It has been the formal policy of our country since President Monroe that we reject the interference of foreign nations in this hemisphere and in our own affairs. The United States has recently strengthened our laws to better screen foreign investments in our country for national security threats, and we welcome cooperation with countries in this region and around the world that wish to do the same. You need to do it for your own protection.
The United States is also working with partners in Latin America to confront threats to sovereignty from uncontrolled migration. Tolerance for human struggling and human smuggling and trafficking is not humane. It’s a horrible thing that’s going on, at levels that nobody has ever seen before. It’s very, very cruel.
Illegal immigration funds criminal networks, ruthless gangs, and the flow of deadly drugs. Illegal immigration exploits vulnerable populations, hurts hardworking citizens, and has produced a vicious cycle of crime, violence, and poverty. Only by upholding national borders, destroying criminal gangs, can we break this cycle and establish a real foundation for prosperity.
We recognize the right of every nation in this room to set its own immigration policy in accordance with its national interests, just as we ask other countries to respect our own right to do the same — which we are doing. That is one reason the United States will not participate in the new Global Compact on Migration. Migration should not be governed by an international body unaccountable to our own citizens.
Ultimately, the only long-term solution to the migration crisis is to help people build more hopeful futures in their home countries. Make their countries great again.
Currently, we are witnessing a human tragedy, as an example, in Venezuela. More than 2 million people have fled the anguish inflicted by the socialist Maduro regime and its Cuban sponsors.
Not long ago, Venezuela was one of the richest countries on Earth. Today, socialism has bankrupted the oil-rich nation and driven its people into abject poverty.
Virtually everywhere socialism or communism has been tried, it has produced suffering, corruption, and decay. Socialism’s thirst for power leads to expansion, incursion, and oppression. All nations of the world should resist socialism and the misery that it brings to everyone.
In that spirit, we ask the nations gathered here to join us in calling for the restoration of democracy in Venezuela. Today, we are announcing additional sanctions against the repressive regime, targeting Maduro’s inner circle and close advisors.
We are grateful for all the work the United Nations does around the world to help people build better lives for themselves and their families.
The United States is the world’s largest giver in the world, by far, of foreign aid. But few give anything to us. That is why we are taking a hard look at U.S. foreign assistance. That will be headed up by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. We will examine what is working, what is not working, and whether the countries who receive our dollars and our protection also have our interests at heart.
Moving forward, we are only going to give foreign aid to those who respect us and, frankly, are our friends. And we expect other countries to pay their fair share for the cost of their defense.
The United States is committed to making the United Nations more effective and accountable. I have said many times that the United Nations has unlimited potential. As part of our reform effort, I have told our negotiators that the United States will not pay more than 25 percent of the U.N. peacekeeping budget. This will encourage other countries to step up, get involved, and also share in this very large burden.
And we are working to shift more of our funding from assessed contributions to voluntary so that we can target American resources to the programs with the best record of success.
Only when each of us does our part and contributes our share can we realize the U.N.’s highest aspirations. We must pursue peace without fear, hope without despair, and security without apology.
Looking around this hall where so much history has transpired, we think of the many before us who have come here to address the challenges of their nations and of their times. And our thoughts turn to the same question that ran through all their speeches and resolutions, through every word and every hope. It is the question of what kind of world will we leave for our children and what kind of nations they will inherit.
The dreams that fill this hall today are as diverse as the people who have stood at this podium, and as varied as the countries represented right here in this body are. It really is something. It really is great, great history.
There is India, a free society over a billion people, successfully lifting countless millions out of poverty and into the middle class.
There is Saudi Arabia, where King Salman and the Crown Prince are pursuing bold new reforms.
There is Israel, proudly celebrating its 70th anniversary as a thriving democracy in the Holy Land.
In Poland, a great people are standing up for their independence, their security, and their sovereignty.
Many countries are pursuing their own unique visions, building their own hopeful futures, and chasing their own wonderful dreams of destiny, of legacy, and of a home.
The whole world is richer, humanity is better, because of this beautiful constellation of nations, each very special, each very unique, and each shining brightly in its part of the world.
In each one, we see awesome promise of a people bound together by a shared past and working toward a common future.
As for Americans, we know what kind of future we want for ourselves. We know what kind of a nation America must always be.
In America, we believe in the majesty of freedom and the dignity of the individual. We believe in self-government and the rule of law. And we prize the culture that sustains our liberty -– a culture built on strong families, deep faith, and fierce independence. We celebrate our heroes, we treasure our traditions, and above all, we love our country.
Inside everyone in this great chamber today, and everyone listening all around the globe, there is the heart of a patriot that feels the same powerful love for your nation, the same intense loyalty to your homeland.
The passion that burns in the hearts of patriots and the souls of nations has inspired reform and revolution, sacrifice and selflessness, scientific breakthroughs, and magnificent works of art.
Our task is not to erase it, but to embrace it. To build with it. To draw on its ancient wisdom. And to find within it the will to make our nations greater, our regions safer, and the world better.
To unleash this incredible potential in our people, we must defend the foundations that make it all possible. Sovereign and independent nations are the only vehicle where freedom has ever survived, democracy has ever endured, or peace has ever prospered. And so we must protect our sovereignty and our cherished independence above all.
When we do, we will find new avenues for cooperation unfolding before us. We will find new passion for peacemaking rising within us. We will find new purpose, new resolve, and new spirit flourishing all around us, and making this a more beautiful world in which to live.
So together, let us choose a future of patriotism, prosperity, and pride. Let us choose peace and freedom over domination and defeat. And let us come here to this place to stand for our people and their nations, forever strong, forever sovereign, forever just, and forever thankful for the grace and the goodness and the glory of God.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the nations of the world.
Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)
Joint Statement by President Donald J. Trump and President Andrzej Duda of the Republic of Poland
September 18, 2018
Through United States–Poland Strategic Partnership
Poland and the United States share a common history and set of values that both nations hold dear. Recognizing that the international order is being challenged, the time is now for our nations to become stronger and more enduring strategic partners.
Together, we celebrate the centennial of Poland’s recovery of its independence as well as commemorate the forthcoming 30th anniversary of the defeat of communism and the 20th anniversary of Poland’s membership in NATO.
We reaffirm our respect for and commitment to common democratic values and principles, including freedom, independent institutions, and human rights.
We express our deep conviction that further development of our trade, defense, and energy ties will strengthen the security of our two countries and the entire transatlantic area.
We acknowledge the significant progress made in implementing the 2008 Declaration on Strategic Cooperation between the United States of America and the Republic of Poland, while recognizing the importance of the principles and mechanisms it has established.
Security and defense cooperation
A strong and free Europe is of vital importance to the United States and Poland. A deeper, more collaborative U.S.-Polish security partnership and enhanced U.S.-Polish resolve is critical in meeting the current security threats and challenges to our shared security, and to ensure sustained stability as well as economic prosperity and development. This partnership is critical in light of growing security challenges characterized by aggressive Russian behavior, global proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, organized smuggling of immigrants and tensions in the Middle East.
Therefore, Poland and the United States will enhance co-operation and deepen our military-to-military ties, intelligence, law enforcement, and other security relations. We will intensify joint training and exercises, strengthen cooperation among military units as well as enhance sharing of experiences and know-how, inter alia by exchanging military personnel in command structures, education centers and training facilities. We will further our defense technology and industry partnership in areas that are critical to regional defense and deterrence, including facilitating access to any high-end defense technologies and armaments that the U.S. deems possible.
In line with the Washington Treaty and in the spirit of Polish-American strategic cooperation, we reaffirm our commitment to collective defense, to develop our individual capacity to resist armed attacks, and to maintain transatlantic security and stability. We are determined to work together and with our Allies to adapt the North Atlantic Alliance to an evolving security environment in which we face enduring challenges from all strategic directions.
Poland and the United States welcome progress made by Allied Heads of State and Government since 2014 and are committed to implementing the decisions made at the July 2018 NATO Summit in Brussels. Both countries reaffirm their commitment to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty as well as the principle of fair burden-sharing. Recognizing NATO Enhanced and Tailored Forward Presence in the Eastern Flank and the U.S. European Deterrence Initiative, Poland and the United States commits to explore options for an increased U.S. military role in Poland and we will intensify our consultations to determine the concept’s feasibility. The results of these efforts will contribute to the defense not only of Central and Eastern Europe, but also of the whole Alliance.
Poland is implementing a long term plan to modernize its Armed Forces and is steadily increasing its defense spending up to 2.5% of its GDP. The United States welcomes Poland’s commitment as an example for other Allies to mirror. We further value the U.S. deployment of the Aegis Ashore base in Poland as a cornerstone of the missile defense infrastructure in Europe and its important role in NATO’s security architecture.
Poland and the United States will enhance cooperation on energy security. We will explore new opportunities stemming from the transformation of energy markets and we will work to ensure better energy diversification of Europe, in which private enterprise should play a key role. We will continue to coordinate our efforts to counter energy projects that threaten our mutual security, such as Nord Stream 2. Both Poland and the United States will support expanded efforts to enhance energy cooperation and diversification, including nuclear energy.
Acknowledging the enormous potential for energy cooperation between the United States and Poland, both sides have committed to establish the “U.S.-Poland Strategic Dialogue on Energy.” Our two nations will continue to support governmental exchanges on energy issues to advance bilateral cooperation and reach a common view on matters of vital interest to both countries.
Trade, investments, research and innovations
Free, fair, and reciprocal trade is as vital to our bilateral relationship as defense and security. Mutually beneficial economic relations generate growth and create jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.
We welcome the impressive progress our two countries’ business ties have made and recognize the importance of U.S. investments in Poland and the growing interest of Polish companies in the U.S. market. Our governments will work aggressively to fill the untapped potential, including through the Three Seas Initiative, which will further these goals with countries across this region of Europe.
We further believe that a level playing field and non-discriminatory treatment is essential for successful investment, and we intend to work together to resolve business disputes expeditiously and amicably.
We also recognize the vital role research and innovation plays in our economic growth. Acknowledging potential benefits stemming from the pairing U.S. investment with high‑tech skills in Poland, we will support efforts to strengthen partnerships in technology and science.
DONALD J. TRUMP ANDRZEJ DUDA
President of the United States of America President of the Republic of Poland
September 18, 2018
Remarks by President Trump and President Duda of the Republic of Poland in Joint Press Conference2:31 P.M. EDT
Issued on: September 18, 2018
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you very much. Please, sit down. Today, I’m very honored to host the President of Poland, a friend of mine, President Duda, and Mrs. Duda. Thank you very much for being here. Great honor.
It’s lovely to have you at the White House. We spent some time in the Oval Office, and we accomplished a lot. Melania and I are deeply grateful for the incredible welcome the President and Mrs. Duda gave us in Warsaw, Poland last year. It was a very exceptional day. Extraordinary. It’s wonderful to have them both with us in Washington today. Thank you very much, Mr. President.
During my visit last summer, I had the privilege to stand before the monument to the Warsaw Uprising and address the people of Poland about our shared commitment to defending our heritage and our civilization. It was an experience I will always treasure and I will never, ever forget.
Not far from where we stand today, another monument in another square — the statue of General Kosciuszko in Lafayette Park — reminds us that the bonds between our people go all the way back to America’s Revolutionary War.
This year, the United States and Poland are celebrating 100 years of Poland regaining its independence and nearly 100 years of U.S.-Polish diplomatic ties. It’s a long time. I’m thrilled to say that the alliance between our nations has never been stronger with you and I at the helm. Do you agree with that?
PRESIDENT DUDA: Yeah.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you, Mr. President. I’m glad he said yes. (Laughter.)
In our discussions this afternoon, President Duda and I agreed to bolster our robust defense ties. We will enhance cooperation in military relations, intelligence, missile defense, technology and training.
I’m proud to report that Poland has recently purchased a state-of-the-art Patriot missile system — which is a great system. We make the greatest military equipment by far, anywhere in the world. And it’s made right here in the USA.
We are grateful for Poland’s leadership on defense spending and burden sharing in NATO. I want to commend Poland for meeting its NATO defense-spending obligations, and I am glad that it plans to increase spending beyond the 2 percent minimum obligation. Thank you very much for that.
I’d like to share my gratitude to the people of Poland for their contributions to NATO’s Resolute Support Mission in Afghanistan and the coalition to defeat ISIS. We’ve made tremendous progress with respect to the defeat of ISIS, as you’ve seen.
We also understand that you can’t have national security without border security. Both Poland and the United States understand that strong nations must have very strong borders.
The President and I likewise are exploring opportunities to advance energy security. The United States and Poland are deeply committed to energy diversity all across Europe. No nation should be dependent upon a single foreign supplier of energy.
Poland has worked tirelessly to increase energy independence nationally and across Central Europe. It is constructing a new pipeline — the highest technology — from Norway to Poland, and it recently built a liquefied natural gas import facility. Last year, the United States was proud to send its first export of LNG to Poland, and soon, our nations will launch a high-level diplomatic exchange on energy security.
And, Mr. President, we are now, as of a few months ago, the largest producer of energy in the world. So that was — that’s a big statement.
President Duda, I also just want to talk to you about the Three Seas Summit, where Central European leaders were working hard to increase energy market access, reduce energy trade barriers — which is something we have to get done with respect to the European Union; the trade barriers, they make it very difficult for the United States — and to strengthen energy independence. The United States firmly supports these goals, and we are eager to expand commercial ties all across the region of Europe.
In our meeting today, the President and I discussed our bilateral economic relationship at length. Poland has experienced more than a quarter century of uninterrupted economic growth — which is a very big statement; very few can say that. And we look forward to further enhancing trade, investment, and commerce between our two great nations.
My administration is committed to realizing a future of prosperity and opportunity for all Americans. This month, we celebrated the highest employment level in U.S. history. We are right now employing more people. We have more workers in the United States than at any time ever in U.S. history. I look forward to partnering with President Duda as we grow our economies together.
Mr. President, thank you for joining me today. Poland has chosen its place among the free and independent nations of the world and as a loyal ally and strategic partner of the United States. And we greatly appreciate that.
We welcome the next 100 years of friendship between our two nations. Mr. President, thank you very much. Thank you.
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) Your Excellency, distinguished Mr. President, and distinguished ladies and gentlemen, I am delighted that in this year so important to Poland — the year of Poland regaining its independence, we celebrate our 100th anniversary of it — I’m able to be hosted here, that I’m at the seat of the President of the United States at the White House, at Washington.
And also, from this perspective, from the perspective of the centennial of Poland regaining its independence, this fact is of huge important for Poles — both those living in Poland and those living abroad, especially the 10 million Poles living in the United States. This is of huge, symbolic importance.
One reason for that is that the matter of Polish independence was one of the important points of the policy of the U.S. President Wilson. It was precisely President Wilson, before 1918, he was the one who put Polish independence on his agenda — on the agenda of his policy. That happened among others, thanks to a great Polish politician, a composer and musician, Ignacy Jan Paderewski.
But it is a fact that Poles experienced back then a lot of good from the United States and from the President of the United States. Because there are no other words to describe the fact that that great state indicated to Poland and defined Poland as the country who should be reinstated back on the map of Europe and on the map of the world. And it was reinstated on that map, 100 years ago, in 1918.
And I’m absolutely delighted that today, as Polish President, I can be here at Washington, sit at the same table with the President of the United States, and sign an agreement which is deepening our strategic partnership and which is renewing that strategic partnership.
I’m talking here about the agreement on the strategic partnership. Such an agreement was signed in 2008 between our two countries. Back then, it was signed by the ministers of foreign affairs. And today, this renewed version — the version which has been updated because a lot has changed over the 10 years — this renewed version of the strategic partnership was signed personally by myself and President Donald Trump. And I would like to express my deep gratitude to you, Mr. President, for that fact.
This agreement indicates the most important aspects of our cooperation and our friendship. It also sets new paths for the future: the paths of tightening our defense cooperation and military cooperation; tightening our cooperation in the area of security and energy business; tightening our cooperation in the broadly understood sphere of business. Also, in the aspect of the already mentioned cooperation as part of the Three Seas Initiative to which Mr. President has just alluded.
I came here to Washington right from the summit of the Three Seas Initiative, the first business forum organized as part of the Three Seas Initiative. The United States was present there as the partner of the Three Seas. And thank you, Mr. President, for that. Thank you for posting your representatives to that meeting.
And all the leaders who held their speeches there said in a very clear way about the need and hope for cooperation with the United States of America regarding the renewal and building of a new infrastructure, road infrastructure, railway infrastructure, energy infrastructure, both concerning electricity and the transmission of gas in Central Europe along the north-south axis. I’m referring here to the area between the Baltic States, though Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, all the way down to the Black Sea, and then through Croatia and Slovenia to the Adriatic Sea.
This is the space in which we want to cooperate. This is the space in which we want to develop. Our cooperation with the United States is of keen importance in this respect.
Also, as far as providing energy security is concerned, today we’ve talked at length about this with Mr. President. We also discussed threats to energy security in Europe, to the possible diversification of supplies. Without any doubt, such a huge — the biggest threat right now is posed by the construction of Nord Stream II gas pipeline. We discussed at length about this with Mr. President. I presented him the situation as it is.
Unfortunately, we have to be clear and say that, both from the German side and from the Russian side, this construction has already been started. There is still some formalities going on connected with the laying of the pipes at the bottom of the Baltic Sea. However, this investment, without any doubt, threatens energy stability of Europe. And without any doubt, it also threatens Polish energy security, because it is a threat. There is a threat of Russian energy domination, especially when Russia mentions that it’s going to build more pipelines — Nord Stream III, Nord Stream IV.
This threat of absolute Russian domination in Europe, in terms of gas deliveries, is obvious. What are the results of such a domination, ladies and gentlemen? We were able to see that ourselves a couple of years ago in Ukraine. A sudden interruption of supplies. Of course, it had nothing to do with economic factors. It was connected only and exclusively with political blackmail. It was a fact.
And it is obvious that today we are making efforts and we are going to go to any lengths to protect ourselves from that. That is why we decided to construct an LNG terminal. That is why we also decided to receive the LNG gas from the United States.
I’m really glad that we have concluded such contracts. I’m glad that American companies are right now delivering LNG to Poland. And this precisely is a very important element of diversification of gas supplies to our country. And I firmly believe that, thanks to the LNG gas terminal, thanks to expanding its capacities as far as the annual quantities of gas are concerned, we are not only going to realize and safeguard our own energy needs, but I also hope that we’ll be able to transmit gas further to our neighbors through the development of the Three Seas Initiative area through the construction of interconnectors.
These issues were all raised by us today during our talks with Mr. President.
And last but not least, opening up to business, we would like to invite American business to Poland. There are better and better investment possibilities. Poland is experiencing a very dynamic growth. Of course, there are companies from the United states which have been present in the Polish market for many, many years, like General Electric, which right now is implementing a huge investment concerning energy sector in Poland — conventional energy — such as construction of the Ostrołęka to Poland that is a huge contract amounting to almost $2 billion.
These are the huge projects which are all being realized in Poland. But I want to invite to Poland all business people — those who have got huge economic projects here and who have got huge possibilities of investment. But we would also like to invite the smaller ones. Poland is a big European country. I believe it is an interesting partner where the United States and the U.S. business is very much welcome. And I want to assure you, ladies and gentlemen, about that.
There is also a perspective of developing your activity through Poland to include the Three Seas countries. And this is something that we have been working on as a part of the Three Seas Initiative. We want to ensure, also, the communication possibilities, and we also want to increase the opportunities for economic cooperation.
We want, also, business partners from the U.S. to join our projects. There are going to be a lot of communication, traffic-related investments in our part of Europe. We would like invite American businesses to come, because I believe that this opens up an opportunity for making joint business.
And, ladies and gentlemen, all of that is connected, of course, with the issue of military security. I’m hugely delighted with the presence of U.S. Armed Forces in the Polish territory. I’m deeply satisfied with the decisions that were taken by Warsaw NATO Summit in 2016, where the presence of the military forces of NATO in Poland was guaranteed. I’m also happy that we have, in Poland, American soldiers as part of our bilateral agreements. But I would like to invite you, Mr. President, to post more American troops to Poland. We believe that the presence of the United States is a guarantor of security in our part of Europe.
We, ourselves, want to invest further. We want to modernize Polish Armed Forces. Mr. President Trump mentioned the so-called Wisła air defense system. That includes the purchase of Patriot missiles. We are implementing the largest military investment so far, as far as the Polish Armed Forces are concerned, over the last 30 years.
We want to implement more projects. We want to buy more equipment. We also want to cooperate in the area of research and development as regards to military technology. And I’m convinced that this cooperation between Poland and the United States will go on smoothly. I hope that Mr. President will make a decision to deploy to Poland more U.S. units, together with equipment.
Ladies and gentlemen, I was smiling when talking to Mr. President. I said that I would very much like for us to set up permanent American bases in Poland, which we would call “Fort Trump.” And I firmly believe that this is possible. I am convinced that such a decision lies both in the Polish interest as well as in the interest of the United States.
Poland is an attractive country an attractive country. And first and foremost, it’s got a very important strategic location in Europe. And I’m convinced that, for the interest of the United States, also pertaining to the security of the United States itself, the presence of the U.S. Armed Forces in our country is important also to protect American interests.
Mr. President, once again, thank you very much for this meeting. Thank you, once again, for this joint declaration that we’re able to sign today. Thank you for also adding this new splendor to the centennial of Poland regaining its independence, and also to the 10th anniversary of our strategic partnership.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you. A tremendous amount of LNG will be exported to Poland. We’re giving them a pretty good price, but they’re buying a lot of it, and that’s going to be great.
I do want to say that, while we’re together, tremendous effort and bravery is being shown in North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia, and the area that was so horribly hit by Hurricane Florence. I just got some clips of some of the things that the Coast Guard is doing and getting people to safety in horrible, horrible conditions.
And I want to just salute all of the people that are working so hard: the first responders, law enforcement, the military, FEMA. The job they’re doing is incredible. It’s incredible. So I just want to thank them very much.
And I think what we’ll do is we’ll take our first question from Emerald Robinson of One America News. Emerald?
Q Thank you, Mr. President. So, news today of a plane — a Russian plane shot down over Syria. Russia is assigning the blame to Israel, even though it was accidentally shot down by Syrian forces.
Clearly, things are heating up. There’s concerns by many Americans — most Americans — that we might be involved in a war in Syria soon. You had hoped to bring troops home, but clearly, things are changing. What do you tell American people today about a possibility of war in Syria?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, I just heard about the incident you have mentioned, Emerald, and it sounds to me and it seems to me, just like based on a review of the facts, that Syria shot down a Russian plane. And I understand about 14 people were killed, at least. And that’s a very sad thing. But that’s what happens. But Syria — according to early reports; that’s subject to change — but that Syria shot down a Russian plane. So that’s not a good situation.
We have done a tremendous job in Syria and in that region eradicating ISIS, which is why we’re there. And we’re very close to being finished with that job, and then we’re going to make a determination as to what we’re going to do. But we have eradicated ISIS in a very large area of the Middle East. These are people that will not be coming here because they’re not around any longer. So we’ve done in a very short period of time.
Our Vice President is here, Mike Pence. Our great Secretary of State — really, thank you very much for the great job you’re doing — Mike Pompeo. And we’ve been working very hard on this. And they’ve done an incredible job over there, but we’ll make a decision fairly quickly.
Thank you very much. Would you have a question for the President?
Q Certainly. Thank you, President Duda. Clearly, you said you asked President Trump if he would consider a permanent base in Poland, and of course, that also relates to Russia. What would you say — how did the President respond to your position to have a permanent base from America in Poland?
And then also, do you currently have concerns over the U.S.-Russia relationship?
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) Well, of course. Of course, I told Mr. President about all the aspects connected with the permanent presence of the U.S. Armed Forces in Poland.
But, first and foremost, I assured Mr. President of one thing. First and foremost, ladies and gentlemen, we cannot say that, if there are permanent bases of the U.S. Armed Forces in Poland, we will see a deterioration of security because that will lead to an increase in Russian activity and increased militarization of this part of Europe by Russia.
I want to say it clearly, ladies and gentlemen: A very strong militarization of, for instance, Kaliningrad Oblast has taken place for more than 10 years now. It is the reality that we’re living today. As far aggressive Russian behavior is concerned, as far as increased military activities concerned, including increasing of the militarization, Russia has been conducting such activities in a systematic way. And for the first time, we were able to see that in a materialized way in Georgia. In 2008, when the then-President of Poland, Professor Lech Kaczyński, took other European leaders and they went to Tbilisi to stop Russian tanks, which were about to attack the capital of Georgia. And from that moment, that military expansion has been developing.
Another (inaudible) was the attack on Ukraine. And today we can see an illegal annexation of Crimea. Today, we are witnessing constant violation of international law in the Luhansk and Donetsk oblasts. So these are today political and military facts of Europe, and the presence of the United States is only providing a guarantee of security and a possibility to defend.
Because let me reiterate again: It is only about the guarantee of security and defense of our part of Europe that is the free world. This is the most crucial issue right now from our perspective, from the perspective of Central and Eastern European countries. And we are speaking in one voice on this one, generally.
That is why we wanted to ensure the presence of the United States Armed Forces, and also, we wanted to have the presence of NATO forces in our part of Europe as well. And of course, Mr. President and his staff, his advisors, and also the Pentagon staff, have to consider all these issues, but there is a whole range of argument which are in favor of the fact that the presence of the U.S. Armed Forces in this area is absolutely justified today. That is due to the protection of the interests of the United States as well.
So I’m absolutely convinced of this one, because today, unfortunately, we are seeing international law being violated. Today we are seeing aggressive behaviors, and I am convinced that there is no more effective method of preventing a war than a decisive stance demonstrating that we are ready any moment to repel a possible attack. And presence also means deterrence. At the same time, I am convinced that when we are — when we have a strong military presence in this part of Europe where there is a potential threat, then there will be no war happening ever.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: And I think it should be pointed out that the President also said, and he also said it publicly, that he would pay the United States — meaning Poland would be paying billions of dollars for a base. And we’re looking at that more and more from the standpoint of defending really wealthy countries and not being reimbursed, paid.
It’s one thing when we defend countries that can’t defend themselves and their great people. And we should help them; we don’t expect anything for that. But when we’re defending immensely wealthy countries and they’re not paying for the defense to the United States, they’re only taking advantage of us. And we are in discussions with numerous countries, all of whom you know, about payment. Payment. And we get along with them very well, but it’s not fair. That includes NATO.
As you know, I got $44 billion additional last year, where they paid an additional — you can speak to Secretary General Stoltenberg, who is the head of NATO, and he said he’s never seen anything like it. And this year we did even better.
But when a country is very wealthy, and when the United States has been protecting them for many years at tremendous cost — cost like nobody in this room would believe — it’s time that they help with, we call it, “burden sharing.” And they will do that.
But the President offered us much more than $2 billion to do this, and so we’re looking at it. We’re looking at it from the standpoint of, number one, military protection for both countries, and also cost — a term you don’t hear too often and you haven’t heard too often over the last 25 years. But that’s the way it has to be.
Thank you very much. Would you like to have a question, please?
Q (As interpreted.) Polish Press Agency. I’ve got a question to President Trump. Do you share the conviction, which we have just heard a minute ago expressed by President Duda, concerning the threat which is posed to the region, but not only to the region, by Russia? And do you also share the view that permanent American bases in Poland are justified not only due to the security of the countries in our region but also due to the security of the United States?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: I do. I actually do. I think it’s a very aggressive situation. I think Russia has acted aggressively. They respect force. They respect strength, as anyone does. And we have the greatest strength in the world — especially now. We were being depleted under the last administration. We had planes that were old and tired, and didn’t fly, in some cases. They were getting used parts. This is the United States; it doesn’t happen. We make the greatest planes in the world, and missiles in the world.
And we have enhanced, to put it mildly, our military. It’s literally being rebuilt, as we speak, with literally hundreds and hundreds of planes and missiles, and everything that you can imagine. They never had it so good because I got, in Congress, $700 billion this year; $716 billion last year. That’s far more than they ever anticipated.
I viewed it two ways. Number one, military — because it’s always more important than anything else, including jobs. But number two is jobs. We make everything here. So it’s hundreds of thousands of jobs to make for us the best military in the world. And Russia respects that. They respect that.
So I am with the President. I feel that he’s right. And I feel that, look, you look at the history of Poland and Russia — that’s a long and very complicated history. So certainly has a right to feel that way. Okay?
Q (As interpreted.) I had a question to President Duda. After the meeting that you have had today at the White House, do you have the feeling that the probability that Polish expectations concerning permanent American presence in our country are closer to being implemented? Are they going to be a fact?
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) Ladies and gentlemen, today, myself and Mr. President had a tête-à-tête meeting, a private meeting, and then we met also with our staff. We had long conversations, very honest discussions, and very strong at certain points, as well, in terms of diagnosis of the situation in the area of military security and energy security alike.
And I am convinced that all of us are going to draw appropriate conclusions from these discussions. Because as I said, both sides presented their positions in many — absolutely many elements. They are concurrent — as far as the assessment of the situation currently is — what kind of steps need to be taken in order to protect both the issue of security and the issue of interests. These are business-related issues.
I am convinced that, ladies and gentlemen, you are going to see the results of both our meetings today and of the declaration that we have signed together with Mr. President. Of course, we are talking about long-term processes, so I’m sure that you are going to see how this is going to be filled with content. You will see concrete facts that will appear on the maps and also in agreements and in purchases that are going to be realized.
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Jon Decker of Fox, please.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Two questions for you. One on Judge Kavanaugh and also one on trade. On Judge Kavanaugh, yesterday you said, “We want to go through a full process.” You said, “We want to make sure everything is perfect, everything is just right.” To that end, what would be the problem with the FBI reopening their background investigation into Judge Kavanaugh? Would you support such a thing?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: It wouldn’t bother me, other than the FBI, Jon, said that they really don’t do that; that’s not what they do. Now, they have done, supposedly, six background checks over the years, as Judge Kavanaugh has gone beautifully up a ladder. He’s an incredible individual. Great intellect, great judge. Impeccable history in every way — in every way.
I feel so badly for him that he’s going through this, to be honest with you. I feel so badly for him. This is not a man that deserves this. This should have been brought to the fore. It should have been brought up long ago. And that’s what you have hearings for. You don’t wait until the hearing is over and then, all of a sudden, bring it up.
When Senator Feinstein sat with Judge Kavanaugh for a long period of time — a long, long meeting — she had this letter. Why didn’t she bring it up? Why didn’t she bring it up then? Why didn’t the Democrats bring it up then? Because they obstruct and because they resist. That’s the name of their campaign against me. They just resist and they just obstruct. And, frankly, I think they’re lousy on policy, and in many ways, they’re lousy politicians. But they’re very good on obstruction. And it’s shame, because this is a great gentleman.
With all of that, I feel that the Republicans — and I can speak for myself — we should go through a process, because there shouldn’t even be a little doubt. There shouldn’t be a doubt. Again, they knew what they were doing. They should have done this a long time ago — three months ago — not now. But they did it now. So I don’t want to play into their hands.
Hopefully, the woman will come forward, state her case. He will state his case before representatives of the United States Senate. And then they will vote. They will look at his career. They will look at what she had to say from 36 years ago. And we will see what happens.
But I just think he is at a level that we rarely see not only in government, anywhere in life. And honestly, I feel terribly for him, for his wife, who is an incredible, lovely woman, and for his beautiful young daughters. I feel terribly for them.
Q On trade, Mr. President, you announced new trade tariffs against China. Trade tariffs are a very important part of your economic and trade policy. In you first year in office, the U.S. trade deficit increased by 12 percent. And last month, we saw the trade deficit increase to, I believe it was, $72 billion. So my question to you is, is your trade tariffs policy working?
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, we just started. We didn’t do anything with respect to China because we wanted to have the benefit of China having to do with North Korea. And they have been helpful. I hope they’re still helpful; there’s a question about that. But it got to a point where the numbers were too big. This should have been done for the last 20 years.
If you look at the WTO, the World Trade Organization, that’s when China really happened, economically. That’s — it was like a rocket ship, because they took advantage of the rules of the WTO.
And whoever was standing at this podium in this incredible White House, in the Oval Office, they should have done something about this long ago.
Over the last number of years, China has taken out of this country $500 billion and more — a year. $500 billion. That would go a long way for Poland, wouldn’t it? You could rebuild your whole country. And that’s what China did. They rebuilt their country with tremendous amounts of money pouring out of the United States. And I’ve changed that around. And if you look at what’s going on, our market is going up like a rocket ship. I don’t want their market to go down, but their market is down 32 percent in three months. Because we can’t let them do anymore what they’ve done.
And I watch trade deficits, because to me, deficits are very important. They’re not everything, and they’re not exact. Sometimes you can have, you know, a deficit, and that’s not such a bad thing. But when you have $375 billion in trade deficits, and then many billions of dollars in other liabilities of all different types, you have to do something about it.
We are the piggybank to the world. We have been ripped off by China. We’ve been ripped off by — excuse me, Mr. President — the European Union, of which you’re a part of. (Laughter.) We’ve been ripped off by everybody. And I want to protect the American worker, the American farmer, the ranchers, the companies. And we’re not being ripped off, you will see, in a little while.
Speaking of that, we’ve come to a conclusion with Mexico. We have a wonderful deal for both parties. It was a very one-sided deal. Now it’s a good deal for both parties. Very happy with it.
The new President had conversation and it was terrific. I think we’re going to have a very good relationship. We’ll see. We’ll see. We want help on the border because we have the worst immigration laws in the history of mankind or womankind. We have horrible, horrible immigration laws, so we want help.
But we’ve come to a conclusion with Mexico. Canada has taken advantage of our country for a long time. We love Canada. We love it. Love the people of Canada. But they are in a position that’s not a good position for Canada. They cannot continue to charge us 300 percent tariff on dairy products, and that’s what they’re doing.
So this is a process. It takes a little time. The European Union wouldn’t talk to us. They wouldn’t talk to President Obama. Wouldn’t even talk to him. And then I said, “That’s okay, you don’t have to talk to me.” Jean-Claude is a tough man. He’s a very good man. I like him, but he’s tough. He’s nasty. (Laughter.) The kind of guy I want negotiating for me. But he’s a tough, tough cookie. And I said to him, “We have to renegotiate the deal.” He said, “But, Mr. President, we are very happy with the deal. We don’t want to negotiate.” I said, “You may be happy with the deal, but I’m not happy with the deal.
And he didn’t want to renegotiate. And after three times, he still didn’t want to renegotiate. I said, “That’s okay, we don’t have to renegotiate any longer. We’re going to put a tariff on all of the millions of cars you send into the United States.” And honestly, he was in my office so quickly, from Europe, that I didn’t know they had airplanes that flew that fast. I said, “Where did you find this plane?”
And we have the semblance of a deal. Because it’s, to a large extent, economically all about cars. Cars are a very big factor. And they send millions of BMWs and Mercedes into our country.
So we are working on trade very hard. It’s very important to me. It has been for 30 years. I’ve been saying for 30 years. It started with Japan. I talked about Japan; I was right. I talked about China; I was right. It’s what I do. And I like doing it. But I like doing it for the people because our country has been abused and taken advantage of by virtually every country that it does business with. And we’re just not letting that happen anymore. And that includes what I said previously about the military.
Q President Duda, welcome back to the U.S. As it relates to U.S.-EU relations, as the President mentioned, you are a proud — Poland is a proud member of the European Union. How would you describe U.S.-EU relations right now? Did you talk about improving that relationship? Did you carry a special message to the President from Mr. Juncker?
PRESIDENT DUDA: (As interpreted.) Sir, I would be very happy if it was Poland which would disrupt the trade balance of the United States. I really would be happy if that was the case. Because my understanding, as far as politics is concerned, and carrying for the matters of your country is similar to the view of Mr. President Trump. Mr. Trump is saying “America first,” and I’m saying, “Poland first.” So we understand each other very well.
And it is hard for me to be surprised with the fact that Mr. President being a very experienced man — a man of success, as far as business is concerned — knows how to calculate. He knows how to calculate, and I think nobody puts that into question either in the U.S. or in another place. And he takes care of the United States. It lies in the interest of the country to have a balanced trade exchange, and this is something that you have to take care of. And of course, there is a clash of interest. However, objectively looking, it is hard not to understand it.
So there is always competition of interest. There is — every kind of business is a competition of interests. And I represent Polish interests, whereas President Trump represents American interests.
The whole thing is as follows: On important matters, you have to strike an agreement to make sure that both countries win and lose as little as possible. And then we have an understanding, an agreement. And then we can say that we are cooperating with each other on equal level. And I believe this is the kind of cooperation that Mr. President would like to have with the European Union. And it will be hard to be surprised with that.
I’m listening kindly to that, and I would like Poland to be such a country, such an economic superpower, that it would be a very important partner to the United States. I said jokingly, in the beginning, that I wish it was Poland which disturbed the trade balance of the United States and our exports to the United States, but I do believe that our cooperation is going to develop well on partners, like (inaudible).
PRESIDENT TRUMP: The trade deal with South Korea has been fully renegotiated and is ready for signature. We may sign it at the United Nations or shortly thereafter. That was a terrible deal for the United States. Now it’s a fair deal. But that’s been fully renegotiated, in addition to Mexico and some of the others that are very close.
Thank you very much, everybody. We appreciate it. Thank you.
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release September 19, 2017
New York, New York
10:04 A.M. EDT
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Mr. Secretary General, Mr. President, world leaders, and distinguished delegates: Welcome to New York. It is a profound honor to stand here in my home city, as a representative of the American people, to address the people of the world.
As millions of our citizens continue to suffer the effects of the devastating hurricanes that have struck our country, I want to begin by expressing my appreciation to every leader in this room who has offered assistance and aid. The American people are strong and resilient, and they will emerge from these hardships more determined than ever before.
Fortunately, the United States has done very well since Election Day last November 8th. The stock market is at an all-time high -- a record. Unemployment is at its lowest level in 16 years, and because of our regulatory and other reforms, we have more people working in the United States today than ever before. Companies are moving back, creating job growth the likes of which our country has not seen in a very long time. And it has just been announced that we will be spending almost $700 billion on our military and defense.
Our military will soon be the strongest it has ever been. For more than 70 years, in times of war and peace, the leaders of nations, movements, and religions have stood before this assembly. Like them, I intend to address some of the very serious threats before us today but also the enormous potential waiting to be unleashed.
We live in a time of extraordinary opportunity. Breakthroughs in science, technology, and medicine are curing illnesses and solving problems that prior generations thought impossible to solve.
But each day also brings news of growing dangers that threaten everything we cherish and value. Terrorists and extremists have gathered strength and spread to every region of the planet. Rogue regimes represented in this body not only support terrorists but threaten other nations and their own people with the most destructive weapons known to humanity.
Authority and authoritarian powers seek to collapse the values, the systems, and alliances that prevented conflict and tilted the world toward freedom since World War II.
International criminal networks traffic drugs, weapons, people; force dislocation and mass migration; threaten our borders; and new forms of aggression exploit technology to menace our citizens.
To put it simply, we meet at a time of both of immense promise and great peril. It is entirely up to us whether we lift the world to new heights, or let it fall into a valley of disrepair.
We have it in our power, should we so choose, to lift millions from poverty, to help our citizens realize their dreams, and to ensure that new generations of children are raised free from violence, hatred, and fear.
This institution was founded in the aftermath of two world wars to help shape this better future. It was based on the vision that diverse nations could cooperate to protect their sovereignty, preserve their security, and promote their prosperity.
It was in the same period, exactly 70 years ago, that the United States developed the Marshall Plan to help restore Europe. Those three beautiful pillars -- they’re pillars of peace, sovereignty, security, and prosperity.
The Marshall Plan was built on the noble idea that the whole world is safer when nations are strong, independent, and free. As President Truman said in his message to Congress at that time, “Our support of European recovery is in full accord with our support of the United Nations. The success of the United Nations depends upon the independent strength of its members.”
To overcome the perils of the present and to achieve the promise of the future, we must begin with the wisdom of the past. Our success depends on a coalition of strong and independent nations that embrace their sovereignty to promote security, prosperity, and peace for themselves and for the world.
We do not expect diverse countries to share the same cultures, traditions, or even systems of government. But we do expect all nations to uphold these two core sovereign duties: to respect the interests of their own people and the rights of every other sovereign nation. This is the beautiful vision of this institution, and this is foundation for cooperation and success.
Strong, sovereign nations let diverse countries with different values, different cultures, and different dreams not just coexist, but work side by side on the basis of mutual respect.
Strong, sovereign nations let their people take ownership of the future and control their own destiny. And strong, sovereign nations allow individuals to flourish in the fullness of the life intended by God.
In America, we do not seek to impose our way of life on anyone, but rather to let it shine as an example for everyone to watch. This week gives our country a special reason to take pride in that example. We are celebrating the 230th anniversary of our beloved Constitution -- the oldest constitution still in use in the world today.
This timeless document has been the foundation of peace, prosperity, and freedom for the Americans and for countless millions around the globe whose own countries have found inspiration in its respect for human nature, human dignity, and the rule of law.
The greatest in the United States Constitution is its first three beautiful words. They are: “We the people.”
Generations of Americans have sacrificed to maintain the promise of those words, the promise of our country, and of our great history. In America, the people govern, the people rule, and the people are sovereign. I was elected not to take power, but to give power to the American people, where it belongs.
In foreign affairs, we are renewing this founding principle of sovereignty. Our government's first duty is to its people, to our citizens -- to serve their needs, to ensure their safety, to preserve their rights, and to defend their values.
As President of the United States, I will always put America first, just like you, as the leaders of your countries will always, and should always, put your countries first. (Applause.)
All responsible leaders have an obligation to serve their own citizens, and the nation-state remains the best vehicle for elevating the human condition.
But making a better life for our people also requires us to work together in close harmony and unity to create a more safe and peaceful future for all people.
The United States will forever be a great friend to the world, and especially to its allies. But we can no longer be taken advantage of, or enter into a one-sided deal where the United States gets nothing in return. As long as I hold this office, I will defend America’s interests above all else.
But in fulfilling our obligations to our own nations, we also realize that it’s in everyone’s interest to seek a future where all nations can be sovereign, prosperous, and secure.
America does more than speak for the values expressed in the United Nations Charter. Our citizens have paid the ultimate price to defend our freedom and the freedom of many nations represented in this great hall. America's devotion is measured on the battlefields where our young men and women have fought and sacrificed alongside of our allies, from the beaches of Europe to the deserts of the Middle East to the jungles of Asia.
It is an eternal credit to the American character that even after we and our allies emerged victorious from the bloodiest war in history, we did not seek territorial expansion, or attempt to oppose and impose our way of life on others. Instead, we helped build institutions such as this one to defend the sovereignty, security, and prosperity for all.
For the diverse nations of the world, this is our hope. We want harmony and friendship, not conflict and strife. We are guided by outcomes, not ideology. We have a policy of principled realism, rooted in shared goals, interests, and values.
That realism forces us to confront a question facing every leader and nation in this room. It is a question we cannot escape or avoid. We will slide down the path of complacency, numb to the challenges, threats, and even wars that we face. Or do we have enough strength and pride to confront those dangers today, so that our citizens can enjoy peace and prosperity tomorrow?
If we desire to lift up our citizens, if we aspire to the approval of history, then we must fulfill our sovereign duties to the people we faithfully represent. We must protect our nations, their interests, and their futures. We must reject threats to sovereignty, from the Ukraine to the South China Sea. We must uphold respect for law, respect for borders, and respect for culture, and the peaceful engagement these allow. And just as the founders of this body intended, we must work together and confront together those who threaten us with chaos, turmoil, and terror.
The scourge of our planet today is a small group of rogue regimes that violate every principle on which the United Nations is based. They respect neither their own citizens nor the sovereign rights of their countries.
If the righteous many do not confront the wicked few, then evil will triumph. When decent people and nations become bystanders to history, the forces of destruction only gather power and strength.
No one has shown more contempt for other nations and for the wellbeing of their own people than the depraved regime in North Korea. It is responsible for the starvation deaths of millions of North Koreans, and for the imprisonment, torture, killing, and oppression of countless more.
We were all witness to the regime's deadly abuse when an innocent American college student, Otto Warmbier, was returned to America only to die a few days later. We saw it in the assassination of the dictator's brother using banned nerve agents in an international airport. We know it kidnapped a sweet 13-year-old Japanese girl from a beach in her own country to enslave her as a language tutor for North Korea's spies.
If this is not twisted enough, now North Korea's reckless pursuit of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles threatens the entire world with unthinkable loss of human life.
It is an outrage that some nations would not only trade with such a regime, but would arm, supply, and financially support a country that imperils the world with nuclear conflict. No nation on earth has an interest in seeing this band of criminals arm itself with nuclear weapons and missiles.
The United States has great strength and patience, but if it is forced to defend itself or its allies, we will have no choice but to totally destroy North Korea. Rocket Man is on a suicide mission for himself and for his regime. The United States is ready, willing and able, but hopefully this will not be necessary. That’s what the United Nations is all about; that’s what the United Nations is for. Let’s see how they do.
It is time for North Korea to realize that the denuclearization is its only acceptable future. The United Nations Security Council recently held two unanimous 15-0 votes adopting hard-hitting resolutions against North Korea, and I want to thank China and Russia for joining the vote to impose sanctions, along with all of the other members of the Security Council. Thank you to all involved.
But we must do much more. It is time for all nations to work together to isolate the Kim regime until it ceases its hostile behavior.
We face this decision not only in North Korea. It is far past time for the nations of the world to confront another reckless regime -- one that speaks openly of mass murder, vowing death to America, destruction to Israel, and ruin for many leaders and nations in this room.
The Iranian government masks a corrupt dictatorship behind the false guise of a democracy. It has turned a wealthy country with a rich history and culture into an economically depleted rogue state whose chief exports are violence, bloodshed, and chaos. The longest-suffering victims of Iran's leaders are, in fact, its own people.
Rather than use its resources to improve Iranian lives, its oil profits go to fund Hezbollah and other terrorists that kill innocent Muslims and attack their peaceful Arab and Israeli neighbors. This wealth, which rightly belongs to Iran's people, also goes to shore up Bashar al-Assad's dictatorship, fuel Yemen's civil war, and undermine peace throughout the entire Middle East.
We cannot let a murderous regime continue these destabilizing activities while building dangerous missiles, and we cannot abide by an agreement if it provides cover for the eventual construction of a nuclear program. (Applause.) The Iran Deal was one of the worst and most one-sided transactions the United States has ever entered into. Frankly, that deal is an embarrassment to the United States, and I don’t think you’ve heard the last of it -- believe me.
It is time for the entire world to join us in demanding that Iran's government end its pursuit of death and destruction. It is time for the regime to free all Americans and citizens of other nations that they have unjustly detained. And above all, Iran's government must stop supporting terrorists, begin serving its own people, and respect the sovereign rights of its neighbors.
The entire world understands that the good people of Iran want change, and, other than the vast military power of the United States, that Iran's people are what their leaders fear the most. This is what causes the regime to restrict Internet access, tear down satellite dishes, shoot unarmed student protestors, and imprison political reformers.
Oppressive regimes cannot endure forever, and the day will come when the Iranian people will face a choice. Will they continue down the path of poverty, bloodshed, and terror? Or will the Iranian people return to the nation's proud roots as a center of civilization, culture, and wealth where their people can be happy and prosperous once again?
The Iranian regime's support for terror is in stark contrast to the recent commitments of many of its neighbors to fight terrorism and halt its financing.
In Saudi Arabia early last year, I was greatly honored to address the leaders of more than 50 Arab and Muslim nations. We agreed that all responsible nations must work together to confront terrorists and the Islamist extremism that inspires them.
We will stop radical Islamic terrorism because we cannot allow it to tear up our nation, and indeed to tear up the entire world.
We must deny the terrorists safe haven, transit, funding, and any form of support for their vile and sinister ideology. We must drive them out of our nations. It is time to expose and hold responsible those countries who support and finance terror groups like al Qaeda, Hezbollah, the Taliban and others that slaughter innocent people.
The United States and our allies are working together throughout the Middle East to crush the loser terrorists and stop the reemergence of safe havens they use to launch attacks on all of our people.
Last month, I announced a new strategy for victory in the fight against this evil in Afghanistan. From now on, our security interests will dictate the length and scope of military operations, not arbitrary benchmarks and timetables set up by politicians.
I have also totally changed the rules of engagement in our fight against the Taliban and other terrorist groups. In Syria and Iraq, we have made big gains toward lasting defeat of ISIS. In fact, our country has achieved more against ISIS in the last eight months than it has in many, many years combined.
We seek the de-escalation of the Syrian conflict, and a political solution that honors the will of the Syrian people. The actions of the criminal regime of Bashar al-Assad, including the use of chemical weapons against his own citizens -- even innocent children -- shock the conscience of every decent person. No society can be safe if banned chemical weapons are allowed to spread. That is why the United States carried out a missile strike on the airbase that launched the attack.
We appreciate the efforts of United Nations agencies that are providing vital humanitarian assistance in areas liberated from ISIS, and we especially thank Jordan, Turkey and Lebanon for their role in hosting refugees from the Syrian conflict.
The United States is a compassionate nation and has spent billions and billions of dollars in helping to support this effort. We seek an approach to refugee resettlement that is designed to help these horribly treated people, and which enables their eventual return to their home countries, to be part of the rebuilding process.
For the cost of resettling one refugee in the United States, we can assist more than 10 in their home region. Out of the goodness of our hearts, we offer financial assistance to hosting countries in the region, and we support recent agreements of the G20 nations that will seek to host refugees as close to their home countries as possible. This is the safe, responsible, and humanitarian approach.
For decades, the United States has dealt with migration challenges here in the Western Hemisphere. We have learned that, over the long term, uncontrolled migration is deeply unfair to both the sending and the receiving countries.
For the sending countries, it reduces domestic pressure to pursue needed political and economic reform, and drains them of the human capital necessary to motivate and implement those reforms.
For the receiving countries, the substantial costs of uncontrolled migration are borne overwhelmingly by low-income citizens whose concerns are often ignored by both media and government.
I want to salute the work of the United Nations in seeking to address the problems that cause people to flee from their homes. The United Nations and African Union led peacekeeping missions to have invaluable contributions in stabilizing conflicts in Africa. The United States continues to lead the world in humanitarian assistance, including famine prevention and relief in South Sudan, Somalia, and northern Nigeria and Yemen.
We have invested in better health and opportunity all over the world through programs like PEPFAR, which funds AIDS relief; the President's Malaria Initiative; the Global Health Security Agenda; the Global Fund to End Modern Slavery; and the Women Entrepreneurs Finance Initiative, part of our commitment to empowering women all across the globe.
We also thank -- (applause) -- we also thank the Secretary General for recognizing that the United Nations must reform if it is to be an effective partner in confronting threats to sovereignty, security, and prosperity. Too often the focus of this organization has not been on results, but on bureaucracy and process.
In some cases, states that seek to subvert this institution's noble aims have hijacked the very systems that are supposed to advance them. For example, it is a massive source of embarrassment to the United Nations that some governments with egregious human rights records sit on the U.N. Human Rights Council.
The United States is one out of 193 countries in the United Nations, and yet we pay 22 percent of the entire budget and more. In fact, we pay far more than anybody realizes. The United States bears an unfair cost burden, but, to be fair, if it could actually accomplish all of its stated goals, especially the goal of peace, this investment would easily be well worth it.
Major portions of the world are in conflict and some, in fact, are going to hell. But the powerful people in this room, under the guidance and auspices of the United Nations, can solve many of these vicious and complex problems.
The American people hope that one day soon the United Nations can be a much more accountable and effective advocate for human dignity and freedom around the world. In the meantime, we believe that no nation should have to bear a disproportionate share of the burden, militarily or financially. Nations of the world must take a greater role in promoting secure and prosperous societies in their own regions.
That is why in the Western Hemisphere, the United States has stood against the corrupt and destabilizing regime in Cuba and embraced the enduring dream of the Cuban people to live in freedom. My administration recently announced that we will not lift sanctions on the Cuban government until it makes fundamental reforms.
We have also imposed tough, calibrated sanctions on the socialist Maduro regime in Venezuela, which has brought a once thriving nation to the brink of total collapse.
The socialist dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro has inflicted terrible pain and suffering on the good people of that country. This corrupt regime destroyed a prosperous nation by imposing a failed ideology that has produced poverty and misery everywhere it has been tried. To make matters worse, Maduro has defied his own people, stealing power from their elected representatives to preserve his disastrous rule.
The Venezuelan people are starving and their country is collapsing. Their democratic institutions are being destroyed. This situation is completely unacceptable and we cannot stand by and watch.
As a responsible neighbor and friend, we and all others have a goal. That goal is to help them regain their freedom, recover their country, and restore their democracy. I would like to thank leaders in this room for condemning the regime and providing vital support to the Venezuelan people.
The United States has taken important steps to hold the regime accountable. We are prepared to take further action if the government of Venezuela persists on its path to impose authoritarian rule on the Venezuelan people.
We are fortunate to have incredibly strong and healthy trade relationships with many of the Latin American countries gathered here today. Our economic bond forms a critical foundation for advancing peace and prosperity for all of our people and all of our neighbors.
I ask every country represented here today to be prepared to do more to address this very real crisis. We call for the full restoration of democracy and political freedoms in Venezuela. (Applause.)
The problem in Venezuela is not that socialism has been poorly implemented, but that socialism has been faithfully implemented. (Applause.) From the Soviet Union to Cuba to Venezuela, wherever true socialism or communism has been adopted, it has delivered anguish and devastation and failure. Those who preach the tenets of these discredited ideologies only contribute to the continued suffering of the people who live under these cruel systems.
America stands with every person living under a brutal regime. Our respect for sovereignty is also a call for action. All people deserve a government that cares for their safety, their interests, and their wellbeing, including their prosperity.
In America, we seek stronger ties of business and trade with all nations of good will, but this trade must be fair and it must be reciprocal.
For too long, the American people were told that mammoth multinational trade deals, unaccountable international tribunals, and powerful global bureaucracies were the best way to promote their success. But as those promises flowed, millions of jobs vanished and thousands of factories disappeared. Others gamed the system and broke the rules. And our great middle class, once the bedrock of American prosperity, was forgotten and left behind, but they are forgotten no more and they will never be forgotten again.
While America will pursue cooperation and commerce with other nations, we are renewing our commitment to the first duty of every government: the duty of our citizens. This bond is the source of America's strength and that of every responsible nation represented here today.
If this organization is to have any hope of successfully confronting the challenges before us, it will depend, as President Truman said some 70 years ago, on the "independent strength of its members." If we are to embrace the opportunities of the future and overcome the present dangers together, there can be no substitute for strong, sovereign, and independent nations -- nations that are rooted in their histories and invested in their destinies; nations that seek allies to befriend, not enemies to conquer; and most important of all, nations that are home to patriots, to men and women who are willing to sacrifice for their countries, their fellow citizens, and for all that is best in the human spirit.
In remembering the great victory that led to this body's founding, we must never forget that those heroes who fought against evil also fought for the nations that they loved.
Patriotism led the Poles to die to save Poland, the French to fight for a free France, and the Brits to stand strong for Britain.
Today, if we do not invest ourselves, our hearts, and our minds in our nations, if we will not build strong families, safe communities, and healthy societies for ourselves, no one can do it for us.
We cannot wait for someone else, for faraway countries or far-off bureaucrats -- we can't do it. We must solve our problems, to build our prosperity, to secure our futures, or we will be vulnerable to decay, domination, and defeat.
The true question for the United Nations today, for people all over the world who hope for better lives for themselves and their children, is a basic one: Are we still patriots? Do we love our nations enough to protect their sovereignty and to take ownership of their futures? Do we revere them enough to defend their interests, preserve their cultures, and ensure a peaceful world for their citizens?
One of the greatest American patriots, John Adams, wrote that the American Revolution was "effected before the war commenced. The Revolution was in the minds and hearts of the people."
That was the moment when America awoke, when we looked around and understood that we were a nation. We realized who we were, what we valued, and what we would give our lives to defend. From its very first moments, the American story is the story of what is possible when people take ownership of their future.
The United States of America has been among the greatest forces for good in the history of the world, and the greatest defenders of sovereignty, security, and prosperity for all.
Now we are calling for a great reawakening of nations, for the revival of their spirits, their pride, their people, and their patriotism.
History is asking us whether we are up to the task. Our answer will be a renewal of will, a rediscovery of resolve, and a rebirth of devotion. We need to defeat the enemies of humanity and unlock the potential of life itself.
Our hope is a word and -- world of proud, independent nations that embrace their duties, seek friendship, respect others, and make common cause in the greatest shared interest of all: a future of dignity and peace for the people of this wonderful Earth.
This is the true vision of the United Nations, the ancient wish of every people, and the deepest yearning that lives inside every sacred soul.
So let this be our mission, and let this be our message to the world: We will fight together, sacrifice together, and stand together for peace, for freedom, for justice, for family, for humanity, and for the almighty God who made us all.
Thank you. God bless you. God bless the nations of the world. And God bless the United States of America. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
10:46 A.M. EDT
***The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
July 06, 2017
1:16 P.M. CEST
MRS. TRUMP: Hello, Poland! Thank you very much. My husband and I have enjoyed visiting your beautiful country. I want to thank President and Mrs. Duda for the warm welcome and their generous hospitality. I had the opportunity to visit the Copernicus Science Centre today, and found it not only informative but thoughtful, its mission, which is to inspire people to observe, experiment, ask questions, and seek answers.
I can think of no better purpose for such a wonderful science center. Thank you to all who were involved in giving us the tour, especially the children who made it such a wonderful experience.
As many of you know, a main focus of my husband's presidency is safety and security of the American people. I think all of us can agree people should be able to live their lives without fear, no matter what country they live in. That is my wish for all of us around the world. (Applause.)
Thank you again for this wonderful welcome to your very special country. Your kindness and gracious hospitality will not be forgotten. (Applause.)
And now it is my honor to introduce to you my husband, the President of the United States, Donald J. Trump. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you very much. That's so nice. The United States has many great diplomats, but there is truly no better ambassador for our country than our beautiful First Lady, Melania. Thank you, Melania. That was very nice. (Applause.)
We've come to your nation to deliver a very important message: America loves Poland, and America loves the Polish people. (Applause.) Thank you.
The Poles have not only greatly enriched this region, but Polish-Americans have also greatly enriched the United States, and I was truly proud to have their support in the 2016 election. (Applause.)
It is a profound honor to stand in this city, by this monument to the Warsaw Uprising, and to address the Polish nation that so many generations have dreamed of: a Poland that is safe, strong, and free. (Applause.)
President Duda and your wonderful First Lady, Agata, have welcomed us with the tremendous warmth and kindness for which Poland is known around the world. Thank you. (Applause.) My sincere -- and I mean sincerely thank both of them. And to Prime Minister Syzdlo, a very special thanks also. (Applause.)
We are also pleased that former President Lech Walesa, so famous for leading the Solidarity Movement, has joined us today, also. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.
On behalf of all Americans, let me also thank the entire Polish people for the generosity you have shown in welcoming our soldiers to your country. These soldiers are not only brave defenders of freedom, but also symbols of America’s commitment to your security and your place in a strong and democratic Europe.
We are proudly joined on stage by American, Polish, British, and Romanian soldiers. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you. Great job.
President Duda and I have just come from an incredibly successful meeting with the leaders participating in the Three Seas Initiative. To the citizens of this great region, America is eager to expand our partnership with you. We welcome stronger ties of trade and commerce as you grow your economies. And we are committed to securing your access to alternate sources of energy, so Poland and its neighbors are never again held hostage to a single supplier of energy. (Applause.)
Mr. President, I congratulate you, along with the President of Croatia, on your leadership of this historic Three Seas Initiative. Thank you. (Applause.)
This is my first visit to Central Europe as President, and I am thrilled that it could be right here at this magnificent, beautiful piece of land. It is beautiful. (Applause.) Poland is the geographic heart of Europe, but more importantly, in the Polish people, we see the soul of Europe. Your nation is great because your spirit is great and your spirit is strong. (Applause.)
For two centuries, Poland suffered constant and brutal attacks. But while Poland could be invaded and occupied, and its borders even erased from the map, it could never be erased from history or from your hearts. In those dark days, you have lost your land but you never lost your pride. (Applause.)
So it is with true admiration that I can say today, that from the farms and villages of your countryside to the cathedrals and squares of your great cities, Poland lives, Poland prospers, and Poland prevails. (Applause.)
Despite every effort to transform you, oppress you, or destroy you, you endured and overcame. You are the proud nation of Copernicus -- think of that -- (applause) -- Chopin, Saint John Paul II. Poland is a land of great heroes. (Applause.) And you are a people who know the true value of what you defend.
The triumph of the Polish spirit over centuries of hardship gives us all hope for a future in which good conquers evil, and peace achieves victory over war.
For Americans, Poland has been a symbol of hope since the beginning of our nation. Polish heroes and American patriots fought side by side in our War of Independence and in many wars that followed. Our soldiers still serve together today in Afghanistan and Iraq, combatting the enemies of all civilization.
For America’s part, we have never given up on freedom and independence as the right and destiny of the Polish people, and we never, ever will. (Applause.)
Our two countries share a special bond forged by unique histories and national characters. It’s a fellowship that exists only among people who have fought and bled and died for freedom. (Applause.)
The signs of this friendship stand in our nation’s capital. Just steps from the White House, we’ve raised statues of men with names like Pułaski and Kościuszko. (Applause.) The same is true in Warsaw, where street signs carry the name of George Washington, and a monument stands to one of the world’s greatest heroes, Ronald Reagan. (Applause.)
And so I am here today not just to visit an old ally, but to hold it up as an example for others who seek freedom and who wish to summon the courage and the will to defend our civilization. (Applause.) The story of Poland is the story of a people who have never lost hope, who have never been broken, and who have never, ever forgotten who they are. (Applause)
AUDIENCE: Donald Trump! Donald Trump! Donald Trump!
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you. Thank you so much. Thank you. Thank you so much. Such a great honor. This is a nation more than one thousand years old. Your borders were erased for more than a century and only restored just one century ago.
In 1920, in the Miracle of Vistula, Poland stopped the Soviet army bent on European conquest. (Applause.) Then, 19 years later in 1939, you were invaded yet again, this time by Nazi Germany from the west and the Soviet Union from the east. That’s trouble. That’s tough.
Under a double occupation the Polish people endured evils beyond description: the Katyn forest massacre, the occupations, the Holocaust, the Warsaw Ghetto and the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, the destruction of this beautiful capital city, and the deaths of nearly one in five Polish people. A vibrant Jewish population -- the largest in Europe -- was reduced to almost nothing after the Nazis systematically murdered millions of Poland’s Jewish citizens, along with countless others, during that brutal occupation.
In the summer of 1944, the Nazi and Soviet armies were preparing for a terrible and bloody battle right here in Warsaw. Amid that hell on earth, the citizens of Poland rose up to defend their homeland. I am deeply honored to be joined on stage today by veterans and heroes of the Warsaw Uprising. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT TRUMP: What great spirit. We salute your noble sacrifice and we pledge to always remember your fight for Poland and for freedom. Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.)
This monument reminds us that more than 150,000 Poles died during that desperate struggle to overthrow oppression.
From the other side of the river, the Soviet armed forces stopped and waited. They watched as the Nazis ruthlessly destroyed the city, viciously murdering men, women, and children. They tried to destroy this nation forever by shattering its will to survive.
But there is a courage and a strength deep in the Polish character that no one could destroy. The Polish martyr, Bishop Michael Kozal, said it well: “More horrifying than a defeat of arms is a collapse of the human spirit.”
Through four decades of communist rule, Poland and the other captive nations of Europe endured a brutal campaign to demolish freedom, your faith, your laws, your history, your identity -- indeed the very essence of your culture and your humanity. Yet, through it all, you never lost that spirit. (Applause.) Your oppressors tried to break you, but Poland could not be broken. (Applause.)
And when the day came on June 2nd, 1979, and one million Poles gathered around Victory Square for their very first mass with their Polish Pope, that day, every communist in Warsaw must have known that their oppressive system would soon come crashing down. (Applause.) They must have known it at the exact moment during Pope John Paul II’s sermon when a million Polish men, women, and children suddenly raised their voices in a single prayer. A million Polish people did not ask for wealth. They did not ask for privilege. Instead, one million Poles sang three simple words: “We Want God.” (Applause.)
In those words, the Polish people recalled the promise of a better future. They found new courage to face down their oppressors, and they found the words to declare that Poland would be Poland once again.
As I stand here today before this incredible crowd, this faithful nation, we can still hear those voices that echo through history. Their message is as true today as ever. The people of Poland, the people of America, and the people of Europe still cry out “We want God.” (Applause.)
Together, with Pope John Paul II, the Poles reasserted their identity as a nation devoted to God. And with that powerful declaration of who you are, you came to understand what to do and how to live. You stood in solidarity against oppression, against a lawless secret police, against a cruel and wicked system that impoverished your cities and your souls. And you won. Poland prevailed. Poland will always prevail. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Donald Trump! Donald Trump! Donald Trump!
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you. You were supported in that victory over communism by a strong alliance of free nations in the West that defied tyranny. Now, among the most committed members of the NATO Alliance, Poland has resumed its place as a leading nation of a Europe that is strong, whole, and free.
A strong Poland is a blessing to the nations of Europe, and they know that. A strong Europe is a blessing to the West and to the world. (Applause.) One hundred years after the entry of American forces into World War I, the transatlantic bond between the United States and Europe is as strong as ever and maybe, in many ways, even stronger.
This continent no longer confronts the specter of communism. But today we’re in the West, and we have to say there are dire threats to our security and to our way of life. You see what’s happening out there. They are threats. We will confront them. We will win. But they are threats. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Donald Trump! Donald Trump! Donald Trump!
PRESIDENT TRUMP: We are confronted by another oppressive ideology -- one that seeks to export terrorism and extremism all around the globe. America and Europe have suffered one terror attack after another. We’re going to get it to stop. (Applause.)
During a historic gathering in Saudi Arabia, I called on the leaders of more than 50 Muslim nations to join together to drive out this menace which threatens all of humanity. We must stand united against these shared enemies to strip them of their territory and their funding, and their networks, and any form of ideological support that they may have. While we will always welcome new citizens who share our values and love our people, our borders will always be closed to terrorism and extremism of any kind. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Donald Trump! Donald Trump! Donald Trump!
PRESIDENT TRUMP: We are fighting hard against radical Islamic terrorism, and we will prevail. We cannot accept those who reject our values and who use hatred to justify violence against the innocent.
Today, the West is also confronted by the powers that seek to test our will, undermine our confidence, and challenge our interests. To meet new forms of aggression, including propaganda, financial crimes, and cyberwarfare, we must adapt our alliance to compete effectively in new ways and on all new battlefields.
We urge Russia to cease its destabilizing activities in Ukraine and elsewhere, and its support for hostile regimes -- including Syria and Iran -- and to instead join the community of responsible nations in our fight against common enemies and in defense of civilization itself. (Applause.)
Finally, on both sides of the Atlantic, our citizens are confronted by yet another danger -- one firmly within our control. This danger is invisible to some but familiar to the Poles: the steady creep of government bureaucracy that drains the vitality and wealth of the people. The West became great not because of paperwork and regulations but because people were allowed to chase their dreams and pursue their destinies.
Americans, Poles, and the nations of Europe value individual freedom and sovereignty. We must work together to confront forces, whether they come from inside or out, from the South or the East, that threaten over time to undermine these values and to erase the bonds of culture, faith and tradition that make us who we are. (Applause.) If left unchecked, these forces will undermine our courage, sap our spirit, and weaken our will to defend ourselves and our societies.
But just as our adversaries and enemies of the past learned here in Poland, we know that these forces, too, are doomed to fail if we want them to fail. And we do, indeed, want them to fail. (Applause.) They are doomed not only because our alliance is strong, our countries are resilient, and our power is unmatched. Through all of that, you have to say everything is true. Our adversaries, however, are doomed because we will never forget who we are. And if we don’t forget who are, we just can't be beaten. Americans will never forget. The nations of Europe will never forget. We are the fastest and the greatest community. There is nothing like our community of nations. The world has never known anything like our community of nations.
We write symphonies. We pursue innovation. We celebrate our ancient heroes, embrace our timeless traditions and customs, and always seek to explore and discover brand-new frontiers.
We reward brilliance. We strive for excellence, and cherish inspiring works of art that honor God. We treasure the rule of law and protect the right to free speech and free expression. (Applause.)
We empower women as pillars of our society and of our success. We put faith and family, not government and bureaucracy, at the center of our lives. And we debate everything. We challenge everything. We seek to know everything so that we can better know ourselves. (Applause.)
And above all, we value the dignity of every human life, protect the rights of every person, and share the hope of every soul to live in freedom. That is who we are. Those are the priceless ties that bind us together as nations, as allies, and as a civilization.
What we have, what we inherited from our -- and you know this better than anybody, and you see it today with this incredible group of people -- what we've inherited from our ancestors has never existed to this extent before. And if we fail to preserve it, it will never, ever exist again. So we cannot fail.
This great community of nations has something else in common: In every one of them, it is the people, not the powerful, who have always formed the foundation of freedom and the cornerstone of our defense. The people have been that foundation here in Poland -- as they were right here in Warsaw -- and they were the foundation from the very, very beginning in America.
Our citizens did not win freedom together, did not survive horrors together, did not face down evil together, only to lose our freedom to a lack of pride and confidence in our values. We did not and we will not. We will never back down. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Donald Trump! Donald Trump! Donald Trump!
PRESIDENT TRUMP: As long as we know our history, we will know how to build our future. Americans know that a strong alliance of free, sovereign and independent nations is the best defense for our freedoms and for our interests. That is why my administration has demanded that all members of NATO finally meet their full and fair financial obligation.
As a result of this insistence, billions of dollars more have begun to pour into NATO. In fact, people are shocked. But billions and billions of dollars more are coming in from countries that, in my opinion, would not have been paying so quickly.
To those who would criticize our tough stance, I would point out that the United States has demonstrated not merely with words but with its actions that we stand firmly behind Article 5, the mutual defense commitment. (Applause.)
Words are easy, but actions are what matters. And for its own protection -- and you know this, everybody knows this, everybody has to know this -- Europe must do more. Europe must demonstrate that it believes in its future by investing its money to secure that future.
That is why we applaud Poland for its decision to move forward this week on acquiring from the United States the battle-tested Patriot air and missile defense system -- the best anywhere in the world. (Applause.) That is also why we salute the Polish people for being one of the NATO countries that has actually achieved the benchmark for investment in our common defense. Thank you. Thank you, Poland. I must tell you, the example you set is truly magnificent, and we applaud Poland. Thank you. (Applause.)
We have to remember that our defense is not just a commitment of money, it is a commitment of will. Because as the Polish experience reminds us, the defense of the West ultimately rests not only on means but also on the will of its people to prevail and be successful and get what you have to have. The fundamental question of our time is whether the West has the will to survive. Do we have the confidence in our values to defend them at any cost? Do we have enough respect for our citizens to protect our borders? Do we have the desire and the courage to preserve our civilization in the face of those who would subvert and destroy it? (Applause.)
We can have the largest economies and the most lethal weapons anywhere on Earth, but if we do not have strong families and strong values, then we will be weak and we will not survive. (Applause.) If anyone forgets the critical importance of these things, let them come to one country that never has. Let them come to Poland. (Applause.) And let them come here, to Warsaw, and learn the story of the Warsaw Uprising.
When they do, they should learn about Jerusalem Avenue. In August of 1944, Jerusalem Avenue was one of the main roads running east and west through this city, just as it is today.
Control of that road was crucially important to both sides in the battle for Warsaw. The German military wanted it as their most direct route to move troops and to form a very strong front. And for the Polish Home Army, the ability to pass north and south across that street was critical to keep the center of the city, and the Uprising itself, from being split apart and destroyed.
Every night, the Poles put up sandbags amid machine gun fire -- and it was horrendous fire -- to protect a narrow passage across Jerusalem Avenue. Every day, the enemy forces knocked them down again and again and again. Then the Poles dug a trench. Finally, they built a barricade. And the brave Polish fighters began to flow across Jerusalem Avenue. That narrow passageway, just a few feet wide, was the fragile link that kept the Uprising alive.
Between its walls, a constant stream of citizens and freedom fighters made their perilous, just perilous, sprints. They ran across that street, they ran through that street, they ran under that street -- all to defend this city. “The far side was several yards away,” recalled one young Polish woman named Greta. That mortality and that life was so important to her. In fact, she said, “The mortally dangerous sector of the street was soaked in the blood. It was the blood of messengers, liaison girls, and couriers.”
Nazi snipers shot at anybody who crossed. Anybody who crossed, they were being shot at. Their soldiers burned every building on the street, and they used the Poles as human shields for their tanks in their effort to capture Jerusalem Avenue. The enemy never ceased its relentless assault on that small outpost of civilization. And the Poles never ceased its defense.
The Jerusalem Avenue passage required constant protection, repair, and reinforcement, but the will of its defenders did not waver, even in the face of death. And to the last days of the Uprising, the fragile crossing never, ever failed. It was never, ever forgotten. It was kept open by the Polish people.
The memories of those who perished in the Warsaw Uprising cry out across the decades, and few are clearer than the memories of those who died to build and defend the Jerusalem Avenue crossing. Those heroes remind us that the West was saved with the blood of patriots; that each generation must rise up and play their part in its defense -- (applause) -- and that every foot of ground, and every last inch of civilization, is worth defending with your life.
Our own fight for the West does not begin on the battlefield -- it begins with our minds, our wills, and our souls. Today, the ties that unite our civilization are no less vital, and demand no less defense, than that bare shred of land on which the hope of Poland once totally rested. Our freedom, our civilization, and our survival depend on these bonds of history, culture, and memory.
And today as ever, Poland is in our heart, and its people are in that fight. (Applause.) Just as Poland could not be broken, I declare today for the world to hear that the West will never, ever be broken. Our values will prevail. Our people will thrive. And our civilization will triumph. (Applause.)
AUDIENCE: Donald Trump! Donald Trump! Donald Trump!
PRESIDENT TRUMP: Thank you. So, together, let us all fight like the Poles -- for family, for freedom, for country, and for God.
Thank you. God Bless You. God bless the Polish people. God bless our allies. And God bless the United States of America.
Thank you. God bless you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
1:55 P.M. CEST
Ambasada USA w Polsce
Przemówienie prezydenta Donalda J. Trumpa przy Pomniku Powstania Warszawskiego na Placu Krasińskich
Biały Dom, Biuro Sekretarza Prasowego
Przemówienie prezydenta Donalda Trumpa do Narodu Polskiego na Placu Krasińskich, w Warszawie w dniu 6 lipca 2017 roku
Dziękuję. Stany Zjednoczone mają wielu znakomitych dyplomatów, ale doprawdy nie ma lepszego ambasadora naszego kraju niż nasza wspaniała Pierwsza Dama Melania
Przybyliśmy na spotkanie z polskim narodem z bardzo ważnym przesłaniem: Ameryka uwielbia Polskę, Ameryka kocha Polaków.Poza tym, że Polacy dokonali wiele dla tego regionu, Amerykanie polskiego pochodzenia bardzo wzbogacili Stany Zjednoczone i jestem naprawdę dumny z tego, że poparli mnie w wyborach w 2016 roku.
To ogromny zaszczyt stać w tym mieście – pod pomnikiem Powstania Warszawskiego – i zwracać się do narodu polskiego, będąc w Polsce, o jakiej marzyło tak wiele pokoleń: bezpiecznej, silnej i wolnej.
Prezydent Duda i cudowna polska Pierwsza Dama Agata powitali nas z niezwykłą uprzejmością i serdecznością, z jakiej Polska słynie na całym świecie. Dziękuję im obojgu, a także szczególnie ciepło Pani Premier Beacie Szydło.
Cieszymy się również, że jest z nami dziś były Prezydent Lech Wałęsa – znany przywódca Solidarności. W imieniu wszystkich Amerykanów chciałbym też podziękować całemu narodowi polskiemu za gościnność okazaną naszym żołnierzom w Waszym kraju.
Żołnierze ci są nie tylko dzielnymi obrońcami wolności — są też symbolem zaangażowania Ameryki w zapewnienie Polsce bezpieczeństwa i miejsca w silnej i demokratycznej Europie. Jesteśmy dumni, że są z nami tutaj żołnierze amerykańscy, polscy, brytyjscy i rumuńscy.
Uczestniczyliśmy właśnie wraz z Prezydentem Dudą w niezwykle udanym spotkaniu z przywódcami państw Trójmorza. Pragnę powiedzieć mieszkańcom tego wspaniałego regionu: Ameryka dąży do poszerzenia współpracy z Wami.
Będziemy chętnie pogłębiać partnerstwo i wymianę handlową z Waszymi rozwijającymi się gospodarkami. Zależy nam na tym, byście mieli zapewniony dostęp do alternatywnych źródeł energii, aby Polska i jej sąsiedzi nigdy więcej nie stały się zakładnikiem jedynego dostawcy energii.
Panie Prezydencie, gratuluję Panu, a także Pani Prezydent Chorwacji przywództwa w postaci historycznej inicjatywy Trójmorza.
To moja pierwsza wizyta w Europie Środkowej w roli Prezydenta — jestem zachwycony, że odbywa się ona właśnie tutaj, w tym wspaniałym kraju. Polska jest w geograficznym sercu Europy, a co ważniejsze: w polskim narodzie widać duszę Europy. Wasz naród jest wielki, bo jesteście silni wspaniałym duchem.
Przez dwa stulecia Polska padała ofiarą ciągłych, brutalnych ataków. Ale mimo że jej ziemie była najeżdżane i okupowane a państwo zniknęło nawet z mapy nigdy nie udało się wymazać Polski z historii czy też z Waszych serc. W tych mrocznych czasach nie mieliście wprawdzie swojego kraju, ale nigdy nie straciliście swojej dumy.
Dlatego mówię dziś z prawdziwym podziwem: od pól i wsi, aż po wspaniałe katedry i miejskie place Polska żyje, Polska rozwija się, Polska zwycięża. Mimo wszelkich działań, które miały zmienić czy zniszczyć Wasz kraj, mimo opresji, trwaliście i zwyciężaliście.
Jesteście dumnym narodem Kopernika, Chopina i Św. Jana Pawła II. Polska jest krajem bohaterów. Jesteście narodem, który naprawdę wie, czego broni.
Tryumf polskiego ducha na przestrzeni stuleci, które ciężko doświadczyły kraj, daje nam wszystkim nadzieję na przyszłość, w której dobro zwycięża zło, a pokój odnosi zwycięstwo nad wojną.
Dla Amerykanów Polska zawsze była symbolem nadziei – od zarania dziejów naszego narodu. Polscy bohaterowie i amerykańscy patrioci walczyli ramię w ramię w trakcie naszej wojny o niepodległość oraz w wielu późniejszych wojnach. Nasi żołnierze nadal dziś służą w Afganistanie i Iraku, zwalczając wrogów wszelkiej cywilizacji.
Ameryka nigdy nie zrezygnowała z wolności i niepodległości jako prawa i przeznaczenia polskiego narodu — i nigdy nie zrezygnujemy. Oba nasze kraje łączy szczególna więź, u podstaw której leżą wyjątkowe dzieje i charakter narodu. Tego rodzaju wspólnota występuje tylko między ludźmi, którzy walczyli, przelewali krew i umierali za wolność.
Symbole tej przyjaźni można napotkać w stolicy Ameryki. Zaledwie kilka kroków od Białego Domu wznieśliśmy pomniki upamiętniające postacie o takich nazwiskach jak Pułaski i Kościuszko. Podobnie jest w Warszawie, gdzie tabliczki z nazwami ulic przypominają o Jerzym Waszyngtonie,i gdzie stoi pomnik jednego z największych bohaterów świata, Ronalda Reagana.
Jestem tu więc dzisiaj nie tylko po to, by odwiedzić starego sojusznika, ale by wskazać go jako przykład dla innych, którzy zabiegają o wolność i którzy pragną znaleźć odwagę i wolę do obrony naszej cywilizacji. Historia Polski to historia narodu, który nigdy nie stracił nadziei, nigdy nie dał się złamać i nigdy nie zapomniał, kim jest.
Jesteście narodem o ponadtysiącletniej historii. Granice waszego państwa wymazano z map na ponad jeden wiek – i zaledwie przed stu laty granice te zostały przywrócone.
W 1920 roku, w bitwie zwanej Cudem nad Wisłą, Polska zatrzymała sowiecką armię dążącą do podboju Europy.
Dziewiętnaście lat później, w 1939 roku, znów zostaliście napadnięci – tym razem od zachodu przez nazistowskie Niemcy, a od wschodu przez Związek Radziecki. Pod podwójną okupacją naród polski przeżył nieopisaną gehennę: zbrodnię katyńską, Holokaust, warszawskie Getto i Powstanie w Getcie, zniszczenie pięknej stolicy i zagładę prawie jednej piątej ludności.
Kwitnąca żydowska społeczność – najliczebniejsza w Europie – została zredukowana niemal do zera w wyniku systematycznych nazistowskich mordów na żydowskich obywatelach Polski, a brutalna okupacja pochłonęła niezliczone ofiary.
Latem 1944 roku armie hitlerowska i radziecka szykowały się do stoczenia w Warszawie straszliwej krwawej bitwy. W piekle na ziemi, jakie im zgotowano, Polacy stanęli w obronie swojej Ojczyzny.
To dla mnie ogromny zaszczyt, że są obok mnie weterani i bohaterowie Powstania Warszawskiego. Oddajemy cześć Waszemu poświęceniu i przyrzekamy, że zawsze będziemy pamiętać Waszą walkę o Polskę i wolność.
Pomnik ten przypomina nam, że w straceńczej walce z uciskiem zginęło ponad 150 tys.Polaków. Po drugiej stronie Wisły wojska radzieckie zatrzymały się – i czekały. Przyglądali się, jak naziści brutalnie zrównują miasto z ziemią, mordując okrutnie mężczyzn, kobiety i dzieci.
Chcieli na zawsze unicestwić ten naród, zabijając w nim wolę przetrwania. Ale nikomu nie udało się zniszczyć odwagi i siły, które znamionują charakter Polaków.
Polski męczennik biskup Michał Kozal dobrze to wyraził słowami: „Od przegranej orężnej bardziej przeraża upadek ducha u ludzi”.
Przez cztery dziesięciolecia rządów komunistycznych Polska i inne zniewolone narody Europy opierały się brutalnej kampanii, której celem było zniszczenie wolności, Waszej wiary, Waszych praw, Waszej historii, Waszej tożsamości – wszystkiego, co stanowi istotę Waszej kultury i człowieczeństwa.
Przez cały ten czas jednak nigdy nie straciliście ducha. Ciemiężcy próbowali was złamać, ale Polski złamać nie mogli. I kiedy nadszedł dzień 2 czerwca 1979 roku i gdy na Placu Zwycięstwa na pierwszej mszy z polskim papieżem zgromadziło się milion Polaków- tego dnia każdy komunista w Warszawie musiał zdawać sobie sprawę, że opresyjny system wkrótce się załamie. Zrozumieli to dokładnie w tym momencie, gdy podczas kazania papieża Jana Pawła II milion Polaków – mężczyzn, kobiet i dzieci – podjęło modlitwę.
Nie prosili o bogactwa. Nie prosili o przywileje. Słowami pieśni wypowiedzieli trzy proste słowa: „My chcemy Boga”.
Tymi słowami naród polski przywoływał obietnicę lepszej przyszłości. Polacy odnaleźli w sobie nową odwagę, by przeciwstawić się prześladowcom. I odnaleźli słowa, by zapowiedzieć, że Polska znów będzie Polską.
Kiedy stoję tu dzisiaj przed tym pełnym wiary narodem wciąż słychać tamte powracające echem głosy. Niosą przesłanie, które dzisiaj jest równie prawdziwe jak dawniej. Naród polski, naród amerykański i narody Europy wciąż wołają: MY CHCEMY BOGA.
Razem z papieżem Janem Pawłem II, Polacy umocnili swoją tożsamość jako naród poświęcony Bogu. I za sprawą tej dobitnej deklaracji, kim jesteście, zrozumieliście co należy uczynić. Złączeni solidarnością wystąpiliście przeciwko uciskowi, przeciwko działającej bezprawnie tajnej policji oraz przeciwko okrutnemu i niegodziwemu systemowi, który zubażał Wasze miasta i Wasze dusze.
I wygraliście. Polska zwyciężyła. Polska zawsze zwycięży!
W tym zwycięstwie nad komunizmem byliście wspierani przez silny sojusz wolnych narodów na Zachodzie, które przeciwstawiły się tyranii. A obecnie wśród najbardziej oddanych członków NATO, Polska powróciła na swoje miejsce jako wiodący kraj Europy, który jest silny, niepodzielny i wolny.
Silna Polska jest błogosławieństwem dla narodów Europy, o czym powszechnie wiadomo. A silna Europa jest błogosławieństwem dla Zachodu oraz całego świata.
Sto lat po przystąpieniu amerykańskich sił do Pierwszej Wojny Światowej, transatlantycka więź pomiędzy Stanami Zjednoczonymi oraz Europą jest mocniejsza niż kiedykolwiek wcześniej.
Nad tym kontynentem nie unosi się już widmo komunizmu. Ale dziś na Zachodzie wciąż stoimy w obliczu poważnych zagrożeń dla naszego bezpieczeństwa i stylu życia. I są to realne zagrożenia. Stawimy im czoło. I na pewno zwyciężymy.
Stoimy w obliczu innej opresyjnej ideologii – której celem jest eksport terroryzmu i ekstremizmu po całym świecie. Ameryka i Europa padają ofiarą jednego zamachu terrorystycznego po drugim. Powstrzymamy je.
Podczas historycznego spotkania w Arabii Saudyjskiej wezwałem przywódców ponad 50 krajów muzułmańskich, by połączyli siły dla wykorzenienia tej groźby, która zagraża całej ludzkości.
Musimy zewrzeć szyki w obliczu wspólnych wrogów, by pozbawić ich terytorium, finansowania, sieci powiązań oraz wszelkich form ideologicznego wsparcia.
I choć zawsze będziemy witali nowych obywateli, którzy podzielają nasze wartości i kochają naszych ludzi, nasze granice zawsze będą zamknięte przed terroryzmem i ekstremizmem.
Walczymy zdecydowanie z radykalnym islamskim terroryzmem. I walkę tę wygramy. Nie możemy zaakceptować tych, którzy posługują się nienawiścią, by usprawiedliwić przemoc wymierzoną w niewinnych.
Obecnie Zachód również staje w obliczu sił, których celem jest wystawienie na próbę naszej woli, zachwianie naszej determinacji i zagrożenie naszym interesom. By przeciwstawić się nowym formom agresji, w tym propagandzie, przestępczości finansowej oraz atakom cybernetycznym, musimy tak przystosować nasz sojusz, by skutecznie konkurował w nowych obszarach i na nowych polach bitewnych.
Wzywamy Rosję, by zaprzestała swoich destabilizujących działań na Ukrainie i wszędzie indziej, i przestała udzielać wsparcia wrogim reżimom – w tym Syrii i Iranowi – a zamiast tego przyłączyła się do wspólnoty odpowiedzialnych narodów w naszej walce przeciwko wspólnym wrogom i w obronie cywilizacji.
I w końcu, po obu stronach Atlantyku, nasi obywatele mierzę się z jeszcze jednym niebezpieczeństwem – z którym możemy sobie w pełni poradzić. To zagrożenie jest dla niektórych niewidoczne, ale dla Polaków – znajome. Stały rozrost rządowej biurokracji, która pozbawia ludzi woli działania i bogactwa. Zachód osiągnął wielki sukces nie dzięki biurokracji i regulacjom, ale dlatego, że ludzie mieli możliwość podążania za swoimi marzeniami i realizowania swoich dążeń.
Amerykanie, Polacy i narody Europy cenią indywidualną wolność i suwerenność. Musimy pracować razem, by przeciwstawić się siłom, niezależnie od tego czy pochodzą z wewnątrz czy z zewnątrz, z Południa czy ze Wschodu, które z czasem grożą podważeniem tych wartości i zerwaniem więzów kultury, wiary i tradycji, które stanowią o naszej tożsamości. Jeśli się im nie przeciwstawimy – siły te pozbawią nas odwagi, nadwątlą naszego ducha i osłabią naszą wolę niezbędną do obrony siebie i naszych społeczeństw.
Ale podobnie jak nasi przeciwnicy i wrogowie z przeszłości dowiedzieli się tego w Polsce – wiemy, że te siły są również skazane na porażkę.
Są skazane na porażkę, nie tylko dlatego, że nasz sojusz jest silny, nasze kraje odporne i nasza potęga nie ma sobie równych – choć wszystko to jest prawdą.
Nasi przeciwnicy są skazani na porażkę, bo nigdy nie zapomnimy, KIM JESTEŚMY. Jeżeli nie zapomnimy, nikt nas nie pokona. Nie zapomną Amerykanie. Nie zapomną narody Europy.
Jesteśmy najbardziej wolną i najwspanialszą wspólnotą narodów, jaką znał świat. Komponujemy symfonie. Dążymy do innowacji.
Oddajemy cześć naszym starożytnym bohaterom, pielęgnujemy nasze odwieczne tradycje oraz zwyczaje i zawsze szukamy oraz odkrywamy nowe możliwości.
Nagradzamy błyskotliwe talenty, dążymy do doskonałości i uwielbiamy inspirujące dzieła sztuki, które oddają cześć Bogu.
Cenimy praworządność – i bronimy prawa do wolności słowa.
Wspieramy kobiety – filary naszego społeczeństwa i naszego sukcesu.
A w sercu naszego życia stawiamy wiarę i rodzinę; a nie władze i biurokrację.
Wszystko poddajemy debacie i kwestionujemy. Chcemy poznać wszystko – żeby lepiej poznać siebie.
I przede wszystkim, doceniamy godność życia każdej ludzkiej istoty, bronimy praw każdego człowieka i podzielamy nadzieję na życie w wolności tkwiące w każdej ludzkiej duszy.
Tacy właśnie jesteśmy. Takie są bezcenne więzy, które nas łączą. Jako narody, jako sprzymierzeńców i jako cywilizację.
To, co mamy; to, co odziedziczyliśmy po naszych przodkach nie istniało nigdy wcześniej. Państwo wiecie o tym lepiej niż ktokolwiek inny, bo stoją tu z nami bohaterowie tamtych wydarzeń. A jeśli nie uda nam się tego obronić – nie zaistnieje to nigdy ponownie. Wiec nie wolno nam przegrać.
Tę wielką międzynarodową społeczność łączy jeszcze jeden wspólny element: to NARÓD, a nie możni tego świata, stanowił zawsze podwaliny naszej wolności i kamień węgielny naszej siły.
To naród stanowił i stanowi podwaliny tych wartości tutaj w Polsce, tu w Warszawie, i, od samego początku jej istnienia stanowił podwaliny Ameryki.
Nie po to obywatele naszych państw bili się wspólnie o wolność, nie po to wspólnie przetrwali horror wojen, nie po to wspólnie stawiali opór złu, żeby teraz zaprzepaścić tę wolność przez brak poczucia dumy i wiary w wartości, które wyznajemy. Nie dopuściliśmy i nie dopuścimy do tego.
Dopóty wiemy skąd przyszliśmy, dopóki wiemy dokąd zmierzamy.
Amerykanie są świadomi, że silne przymierze wolnych, suwerennych i niezależnych państw to najlepszy sposób na obronę naszych swobód i naszych interesów. To dlatego moja Administracja domaga się od wszystkich członków NATO wywiązywania się w pełni ze swoich sprawiedliwie ustalonych zobowiązań finansowych.
Stanowisko to już zaowocowało dodatkowymi miliardami dolarów. Moim zdaniem te miliardy inaczej by nie napłynęły. Krytykom naszego twardego stanowiska chciałbym przypomnieć, że USA okazały nie tylko słowami, ale PRZEDE WSZYSTKIM CZYNAMI swoje nieugięte poparcie dla Artykułu 5go wielostronnych zobowiązań obronnych. Łatwo rzucać słowa, ale liczą się CZYNY. Dla swojego własnego dobra, EUROPA MUSI ZROBIĆ WIĘCEJ. Musi pokazać, że wierzy w swoją przyszłość, inwestując w nią SWOJE WŁASNE PIENIĄDZE.
Właśnie dlatego przyklaskujemy decyzji Polski o zakupie od USA sprawdzonych w boju systemów obrony powietrznej i przeciwrakietowej PATRIOT. Najlepszych na świecie. Właśnie dlatego tak cenimy naród polski, który jako jeden z nielicznych w NATO spełnia wymogi inwestycyjne we wspólną obronność. Dzięki Polsko za to, że dla innych krajów członkowskich NATO stanowisz wzór do naśladowania.
Nasza obronność to nie tylko zobowiązania finansowe – to także zaangażowanie WOLI. Historia Polski uczy nas, że obrona Zachodu nie zależy ostatecznie od pieniędzy, a od woli przetrwania narodu. I tu pojawia się zasadnicze pytanie naszych czasów: czy Zachód ma WOLĘ przetrwać.
Czy wystarczająco silnie wierzymy w system naszych wartości, żeby bronić ich za wszelką cenę. Czy darzymy wystarczającym szacunkiem naszych obywateli, żeby bronić granic, w których żyją? Czy starczy nam chęci i odwagi, by bronić naszej cywilizacji w obliczu tych, którzy starają się ją podstępnie unicestwić?
Na nic zdadzą się największe gospodarki świata i broń największego rażenia, jeśli zabraknie silnej rodziny i solidnego systemu wartości. Tych, którzy zapomnieli o ich kluczowym znaczeniu zachęcam do odwiedzenia kraju, który nigdy tego nie zapomniał – niech przyjadą do Polski.
Niech przyjadą tu, do Warszawy i niech poznają historię Powstania Warszawskiego. Niech poznają historię Alej Jerozolimskich.
W sierpniu 1944 roku, tak jak teraz, Aleje Jerozolimskie były jedną z głównych arterii przecinających miasto ze wschodu na zachód. Kontrola nad nią miała kluczowe znaczenie dla obu stron bitwy o Warszawę. Wojsko niemieckie chciało ją przejąć jako najkrótszą drogę przemieszczania oddziałów na front i z frontu.
Dla członków Polskiej Armii Krajowej natomiast, możliwość przedostawania się na północ i na południe przez Aleje Jerozolimskie miała zasadnicze znaczenie dla utrzymania Śródmieścia, a tym samym utrzymania przy życiu samego Powstania.
Noc w noc, pod obstrzałem broni maszynowej, Polacy znosili worki z piaskiem, by bronić swojego wąskiego przejścia w poprzek Alei Jerozolimskich. Dzień w dzień, wróg rozbijał je w drobny mak. Wtedy Polacy zrobili okop, a wkrótce – barykadę. W ten sposób nieustraszeni powstańcy zaczęli przekraczać tę arterię.
To wąskie przejście zadecydowało o kontynuacji Powstania. Mieszkańcy i powstańcy, ryzykując życiem, biegli tym wąskim przejściem, by nieść pomoc swojemu miastu. „To było zaledwie kilka metrów” – wspominała młoda kobieta imieniem Greta. „Ten śmiertelnie niebezpieczny fragment ulicy przesiąknięty był krwią posłańców, łączniczek i kurierów”.
Snajperzy brali ich na cel. Żołnierze wroga palili każdy budynek, a kiedy atakowali barykadę, wykorzystywali Polaków jako żywe tarcze dla swoich czołgów.
Wróg nie ustawał w ataku na maleńki przyczółek cywilizacji, a Polacy nie ustawali w jego obronie.
Przesmyk przez Aleje Jerozolimskie wymagał ciągłej obrony, napraw i umocnień. Ale wola obrońców, nawet w obliczu śmierci, była niezachwiana; przejście istniało do ostatnich dni Powstania. Nigdy nie zostało zapomniane, dzięki Polakom było zawsze dostępne.
Pamięć o ofiarach tego heroicznego wydarzenia woła do nas przez dziesięciolecia, a wspomnienia o obrońcach przejścia przez Aleje Jerozolimskie należą do najbardziej żywych.
Ci bohaterowie przypominają nam, że Zachód został ocalony dzięki krwi patriotów, że każde pokolenie ma w tej obronie do odegrania swoją rolę. I że każda piędź ziemi, każdy centymetr naszej cywilizacji jest tej obrony wart.
Nasza walka w obronie Zachodu nie zaczyna się na polu bitwy – zaczyna się od naszych umysłów, naszej woli, naszych dusz.
Dzisiaj, więzy spajające naszą cywilizację mają znaczenie nie mniejsze – i wymagają nie mniej zaciekłej obrony – niż ta piędź ziemi, na której skupiała się nadzieja Polski na istnienie. Nasza wolność, nasza cywilizacja, i nasze przetrwanie zależą od tych właśnie więzi historii, kultury i pamięci.
I dziś, tak, jak zawsze, Polska jest w naszych sercach, podczas gdy jej naród walczy. Ogłaszam dziś światu, że tak, jak nie udało się złamać woli Polski, NIE UDA SIĘ NIGDY ZŁAMAĆ WOLI ZACHODU.
System naszych wartości ZWYCIĘŻY. Nasze narody ROZKWITNĄ. A nasza cywilizacja ZATRIUMFUJE.
Więc walczmy wszyscy jak Polacy – O RODZINĘ, O WOLNOŚĆ, O OJCZYZNĘ I O BOGA.
Dziękuję Wam. Niech Bóg Was błogosławi. Niech Bóg błogosławi Naród Polski. Niech Bóg błogosławi naszych sprzymierzeńców. Niech Bóg błogosławi Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki.
James S. Brady Press Briefing Room
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
Press Briefing on President Trump's Upcoming Visit to Poland and Germany, 6/29/2017
PRESS BRIEFING BY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR GENERAL MCMASTER
AND DIRECTOR OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMIC COUNCIL GARY COHN
ON PRESIDENT TRUMP’S UPCOMING VISIT TO
POLAND AND GERMANY
1:21 P.M. EDT
AIDE: Hi. Just want to restate the ground rules. Today’s briefing is off camera, on the record, and the audio is not for broadcast. It is embargoed until the end of the briefing.
And with that, I will turn the podium over to --
Q Can you make this on -- can you make the audio available? Because it puts radio at a disadvantage.
AIDE: It is off camera, not for broadcast. Those are the ground rules.
And now I’m going to turn it over to General H.R. McMaster and Gary Cohn. Thank you.
GENERAL MCMASTER: Good afternoon, everybody. Next Wednesday, President Trump will depart on the second foreign trip of his administration. He will travel first to Warsaw, Poland to meet that country’s leaders and speak to the Polish people. He will continue on to Hamburg, Germany for the G20 and for meetings with many world leaders.
While this trip is short, the agenda is packed. I’ll run through the objectives and the schedule, and then turn it over to Gary, who will walk you through the President’s agenda for the G20.
First of all, the primary objectives are three: To promote American prosperity, to protect American interests, and to provide American leadership. These three objectives tie together every engagement President Trump has with foreign leaders, whether here in the White House, as you saw with the strengthening of our strategic partnership with India during Prime Minister Modi’s visit on Monday and we’ll see tonight and tomorrow with the strengthening of our alliance with South Korea during President Moon’s visit.
Additional objectives for the trip include, first, to strengthen American alliances. America First, as Gary and I have stressed in the past, does not mean America alone. President Trump has demonstrated a commitment to American alliances because strong alliances further American security and American interests.
While there are no official NATO meetings on this trip, the President will meet with many NATO leaders, and he will reiterate both America’s commitment to NATO’s common defense and his expectation that all countries share responsibilities and burdens for that defense. We’ve seen countries strengthen their defense budgets in response to the President’s call. When we all do more, our alliance becomes stronger and our countries are all more secure.
Second is to reassert who we are. Traveling to Europe, especially to Central Europe, which had its identity forcibly submerged for so long, is a great way to demonstrate what binds us together not just as an alliance, but as people. America has been influenced by many nations, but we share Europe’s commitment to liberty and rule of law in particular.
Third is to continue to forge a common understanding of threats. We saw the President make great progress in Saudi Arabia on denying terrorists safe havens, cutting off their funding, and discrediting their perverted ideology. He’ll continue to build on that work while also addressing other threats, including attempts by revisionist powers to subvert the global order that undergirds our common security and economic prosperity.
The fourth is to develop a common approach to Russia. As the President has made clear, he’d like the United States and the entire West to develop a more constructive relationship with Russia. But he’s also made clear that we will do what is necessary to confront Russia’s destabilizing behavior.
Fifth is to expand economic opportunity for Americans. Did I skip -- I think I skipped -- no, okay. Again, I’ll let Gary cover most of this, but from a foreign policy perspective the President’s goal will be to make clear, even to our allies, that America cannot tolerate unfair trade and economic practices that disadvantage our workers and our industries. We’re prepared to act where necessary, but we hope to resolve our differences in ways that benefit all sides and are based on really a drive toward reciprocal trade and economic relationships.
The sixth is energy. We want to create robust, open and fair markets that drive economic growth and leave no countries hostage to energy-market manipulation. We are committed to the energy security of our allies and partners, and to the diversification of energy sources, supplies and routes. The President’s America First energy plan will help us achieve all of these objectives.
The seventh is environment and climate, which Gary will cover as well.
Now, just a brief look at the schedule. In Poland, the President will meet with President Duda, the leader of a staunch NATO ally and of a nation that remains one of America’s closest friends. He will speak to 12 Central European, Baltic, and Western Balkan leaders at the Three Seas Conference. His remarks will focus on infrastructure development and energy security, highlighting, for instance, the first shipments of American LNG into Poland earlier this month. He will also meet with Croatian President Grabar-Kitarović who is the co-host of the Three Seas Conference.
Then he will give a major speech to the Polish people at Krasiński Square, epicenter of the 1944 Warsaw uprising against the brutal Nazi occupation. He will praise Polish courage throughout history’s darkest hour, and celebrate Poland’s emergence as a European Power. And he will call on all nations to take inspiration from the spirit of the Poles as we confront today’s challenges. He will lay out a vision, not only for America’s future relationship with Europe, but the future of our transatlantic alliance and what that means for American security and American prosperity.
I’ll let Gary cover the details of the G20. I’ll just note that while in Hamburg, the President will meet with many world leaders, including Chancellor Merkel of Germany, the host of the G20, Prime Minister May of the United Kingdom, Prime Minister Abe of Japan, President Moon of South Korea, President Xi of China, President Putin of Russia, President Peña Nieto of Mexico, President Jokowi of Indonesia, and Prime Minister Lee of Singapore, among others.
With that, I’ll turn it over to Gary.
MR.COHN: Thank you. Thank you, H.R.
Let me go through the G20 quickly, because there’s a lot of overlap with what H.R. just talked about. I won’t go through the individual meetings but I’ll touch on the major broad themes here.
The President’s primary objectives of these meetings is to work with our partners to jumpstart the world economy. Economic growth around the world has been far too weak for far too long. It’s important that leading economies of the G7 take steps in their own countries to strengthen economic growth, but also to work together to address economic challenges that cross all of our borders.
Here at home, the President has embarked on a strong pro-growth agenda featuring deregulation, tax reform, and infrastructure investment. On the trip, he will support G20 countries continuing to proactively use all the tools at their disposal -- monetary, fiscal, and structural -- to strengthen growth in their countries. Importantly, the G20 also needs to do more to address global imbalances, especially from overcapacity in industrial sectors.
Which brings me to trade, and I’ll repeat something H.R. said: On trade, no less than on alliances, America First does not mean America alone. The goal of U.S. trade policy is to expand trade in a way that are free and fair. Insisting on fair trade is the best way to ensure the long-term strength of the international trading system. We look forward to engaging in free and fair trade with the G20 economies. The United States stands firm against all unfair trading practices, including massive distortions in the global steel market and other non-market practices that harm U.S. workers. We ask the G20 economies to join us in this effort and to take concrete actions to solve these problems. But let us be clear: We will act to ensure a level playing field for all.
On energy, the President remains committed to working with world leaders and private sectors on sound environmental policies and on innovative technologies. We have been mindful of the fact that, while renewables have a role to play, we cannot achieve the growth or anti-poverty agenda we want without strong contributions from clean fossil fuel technologies which, in the United States, is a global leader.
On climate, the President looks forward to discussing his decision to leave the Paris Agreement with the other G20 leaders. He’ll make clear that he has decided to leave the agreement because it was a bad deal for the United States, but that he is open to reengaging in the agreement or a new agreement if it makes sense for the American people.
Another focus of the G20 will be famine and other global crises. We are focused on the crisis in South Sudan, Nigeria, Yemen, and Somalia, and recently announced that the United States would provide more than $329 million in additional humanitarian assistance in this crisis -- bringing the total U.S. humanitarian assistance here to nearly $1.2 billion in fiscal year 2017. The United States is one of the largest donors of humanitarian assistance here. The assistance we provide represents the best of Americans' generosity and goodwill. It will also improve our national security by helping to stabilize insecure regions while building strong relations with nations and people around the world.
Finally, the United States is pleased that the G20 will have a focus on women’s economic empowerment. We believe that gender equality and women’s empowerment is vital in today’s labor market. We are advocating for more equality and equal access to the workplace, financial services, and the labor market with quality employment for women and men all throughout the world.
With that, General H.R. McMaster and myself are happy to take your questions.
Well, that was quick. (Laughter.)
Q Hey, Gary. A couple of questions for both of you. One on Russia and one on climate. Can you talk about the meeting with President Putin? What are the President's objectives in that meeting? And will he bring up Russia's interference in the 2016 election? Either of you.
GENERAL MCMASTER: Well, there's no specific agenda. It's really going to be whatever the President wants to talk about. And that's -- and he will talk with many other leaders during the conference as well.
Q And does he want to talk about election interference? Is that something he plans to bring up?
MR. COHN: We don't have an agenda set up for these meetings right now. As you know, these meetings are a week away. We're still finalizing schedules. So agendas for meetings have not been set up at this point.
Q Just on climate, I want to get you on that. Because Angela Merkel is now saying that she is not going to overlook tensions with the U.S. when it comes to the Paris Agreement. You noted just now, and the President has noted, he wants to renegotiate this Paris climate deal. In what concrete ways does he expect to do that, given what it took to get the deal in the first place?
MR. COHN: Well, look the President has been very clear on climate and on Paris. He cares very much about the climate. He cares about the environment. But he has to enter into a deal that's fair for the American people, the American workers. He's done everything he's done based on job creation, economic growth in the United States.
Q Then what will he ask for?
MR. COHN: He's going to ask for a fair and level playing field. We cannot be in a position where the United States is cutting and cutting emissions while other countries continue to grow until 2030. That doesn’t seem like it's a fair and level playing field. We want a level playing field, just like everything else. We're looking for fairness across the board in the agreement.
Q Can I ask you about the Russia meeting a little bit, to follow up on that? Do you see that as a full-fledged meeting, as a bilateral, like we've been reading that the President wants? Or is it just a pull-aside? What's the format of the meeting?
MR. COHN: Well, look, in the G20 meetings as a whole, the world leaders are gathered. We will have pull-asides, we'll have bilaterals. As I said, the schedule is being formalized right now. We would imagine that the countries that H.R. talked about, we would be planning on bilateral meetings. But they're during the G20 meetings. So these are not long, long meetings. These are bilateral pull-asides during the G20.
Q I want to follow up. Gary, in that sense -- because Merkel, May, Abe, Moon -- they all fall into a category where the President has had meetings with them before. I would assume you would have a formal agenda. Putin is different from that. Is the Putin one going to be a separate bilateral -- 10, 20, 30 minutes -- not just something that is a chance encounter in the context of the G20? That’s what we're trying to drive at, that it doesn’t fit into this other category. You have to --
GENERAL MCMASTER: Indonesia is in that.
MR. COHN: Indonesia is in it. Singapore is in there. There's countries at the G20 that, yes, we have met with before, some we'll meet with tonight for the first time, and there's other that we will have a second or third meeting with, and they're the countries that are important to us because of economic relationship, military relationship, a lot of different reasons for us having meetings with them. There will be a more formal schedule as we get closer. But I think you should assume that most of these countries we're going to have sort of bilateral meetings set up in advance -- probably not a formal agenda of what's on the schedule, but a formal agenda of what time these meetings will happen in a bilateral situation.
Q -- for Russia, as well?
MR. COHN: Yes, yes.
Q So the President has laid out to NATO countries some of the things they need to do vis-à-vis meeting their 2 percent GDP investment in defense. Does he have a similar set of things to ask Moscow, to ask Putin -- to say, we need to see you do these trust-building measures before we can normalize relations?
GENERAL MCMASTER: Well, our relationship with Russia is not different from any other country in terms of us communicating to them, really, what our concerns are, where we see problems in the relationship, but also opportunities. Secretary Tillerson, obviously as he does with all countries in the world, has the lead for that and has been engaged in a broad, wide-ranging discussion about irritants, problems in the relationship, but also to explore opportunities -- where we can work together in areas of common interest.
So it won't be different from our discussions with any other country, really.
Q Given the assaults on press freedom by the ruling party in Poland, the Law and Justice Party, is the President concerned about assaults on a free press, and former communist countries backsliding as it were? And do you think that making this the first -- making Warsaw the first stop on the President's trip to Europe might send the wrong message, that he endorses such assaults on a free press?
GENERAL MCMASTER: I don’t think there's a danger of that at all. I think Poland is a clear choice for a number of reasons. First of all, it's one of our staunchest allies. It is a NATO ally that will meet and exceed its pledge to go over 2 percent from the Wales conference. It is in many ways a front-line NATO nation in connection with threats on the Eastern flank. It is a country that has partnered with us and had been a great ally during combat missions in Afghanistan and in Iraq, as well. And so this will be -- the President will emphasize themes about the past, what Poland has gone through as a nation, what they've achieved to fight to be part of Europe. He’ll talk about what Poland is doing now and how our relationship can be strengthened in that context.
But what he’s really going to talk about I think is also the future -- the future of America’s relationship with Poland, with Europe, the importance of transatlantic relationships generally. In the economic context, what Gary has talked about, which is free and fair trade, access to energy.
And so there are a lot of important things for us to emphasize in connection with the future of our relationship with Poland and with Europe.
Q Does any of that have to do with attacks on free press and free expression in Poland?
MR. COHN: So let me just answer the question in G20 terms as well, because it’s interesting -- in the G7 as well as the G20, we go through these arduous communiqué writings. And we as Americans have fought very vigorously to protect intellectual property rights and to protect freedom of speech in Internet. And we’ll continue to do that. We’ll continue to defend that. We did it in the G7 communiqué; we’re going to do it in the G20 communiqué.
So that’s just where we stand.
You back -- the young lady. Yeah, you.
Q Thank you.
MR. COHN: No, behind you. The young lady.
Q I wanted to ask you about this -- the comments you made about steel. As you know, they were expecting an omnibus trade deficit report by the end of the week, and there’s also this ongoing 232 investigation by Commerce and Treasury. That seems to tee you up perfectly for a conversation with China and Japan about trade deficits. Do you plan on releasing that information ahead of the G20 and presenting it there?
And then, secondly, on LNG, if you could just talk about -- will the President be offering or brokering any additional deals to backstop European needs in that respect to get them independent from Russia and a reliance on Russian energy?
MR. COHN: So I’m not sure when the Commerce Department is going to release their final report on the steel industry and what’s been going on there. They have been working on it for quite some period of time, so it’s in draft or final drafting forms. They will be delivering it to the White House at some point.
But the premise of that report will -- we will use that as an opportunity to talk with many of our trading partners around the world. What’s going on in steel -- I mentioned steel in my remarks specifically, because if you look at the G7 communiqué, there has been consensus among our G7 allies that there is overcapacity and there’s dumping in steel. So I think there’s uniformed consensus among all of our G7 allies that we do need to deal with the steel problem specifically.
On LNG, what the President is committed to do is the President is committed to have a deregulated environment here in the United States where LNG facilities can get licensed, we can license more pipeline systems so we can be in the business of exporting LNG. It’s not the President’s job to broker LNG supply contracts. It’s the President’s job to make sure that the U.S. authorizes facilities to be built in the United States because they need federal approval. And then once those facilities are built, hopefully those facilities enter into long-term supply contracts around the world. Because, uniquely, the rest of the world needs something we have, which is our huge supply of LNG.
Eamon, in the back.
Q Thanks, Gary. If you could, could you give us your sense of the state of the relationship between the United States and Germany right now? We’ve had a couple of smallish flash points recently. We see reports that Chancellor Merkel might be preparing to press the U.S. on Paris. We see this moment where Secretary Ross was cut off in mid-speech. How do you see the relationship right now between the United States and Germany?
GENERAL MCMASTER: Okay, the relationship with Germany is as strong as ever. And, of course, there are going to be differences in relations with any country, and we’ll talk frankly about those differences. The President enjoys those conversations.
But what we should remember about a relationship with Germany and other allies is that we agree on 95 -- at least -- percent of the key issues, and we’re cooperating every day on those issues. That cooperation, I think, is stronger than ever, and really our common concerns in security in economic development -- in our relationships economically.
So I think that -- to answer your question, the relationship is as strong as ever.
Q Do you see that as a snub of Secretary Ross?
Q Yes. In terms of --
MR. COHN: We’ll get you next.
GENERAL MCMASTER: We’ll get you next. Go ahead, sir.
MR. COHN: Go ahead.
Q So in terms of the North Korean question, what more do you think that the President and this administration can do to pressure China? It seems like you have come to the point where you’re realizing that China is not going to do more without more coercion, so what more can you do on that front?
And then a second question, with regards to Russia: Do you feel like the President is taking seriously the question of Russian meddling in the 2016 election? And do you think -- and what has he done to actually address that issue, which a number of senior U.S. officials have raised as a threat on U.S. democracy?
GENERAL MCMASTER: So, first of all, on North Korea and China’s relationship with us and with others and working on the North Korea problem -- there are really three key things that came out of the Mar-a-Lago summit that I think are critical for us to build on.
It shouldn’t really be about pressuring China, it should be about working with China in our common interests. The first big thing that came out of Mar-a-Lago was a recognition that a nuclear-armed North Korea with long-range missile capabilities is a threat not only to the United States, not only to South Korea and Japan, but also to China. And there was clear acknowledgement by both parties, the United States and in China on that.
The second is a recognition that while China’s political influence with the regime might be limited, that they have tremendous coercive power in connection with the economic relationship and the trade relationships with North Korea. So China acknowledged that there is a lot that they can do in connection with convincing the North Korean regime that it’s in their interest to denuclearize.
And the third is critical -- is that we agreed on a joint objective of denuclearization of the Peninsula. That’s a solid basis to work together on. There’s a lot more to be done, however. The President has told all of us -- he has said that he will not tolerate a North Korean regime that can target the United States, that can reach the United States with a nuclear weapon. He just won’t tolerate it.
So what we have is a commitment to deliver to him a broad range of options and to do our best to work with everyone, including China, on this. So it’s not a question of pressuring China. It’s a question of working with China to do more about this problem so it doesn’t get to everybody wants to avoid.
Q Are we doing enough?
GENERAL MCMASTER: Well, I mean, none of us are doing enough. I don’t think China is doing enough now because the problem is not resolved. So the question is, how much more must we do together to address this, short of a military solution. So that’s the kind of discussions that we’ll continue to have with Chinese leadership as we work together with them -- not pressuring them -- but working with them.
On the second point on Russia. The President has asked us to work together across all departments and agencies to do, really, three things: to confront Russia’s destabilizing behavior -- whether it’s cyber threats, whether it’s political subversion here in Europe and elsewhere -- in the Balkans now. So confront Russia’s destabilizing behavior and to come up with a strategy to do that.
The second is to deter Russia, right? Because the worse thing -- nobody wants a major power war, right? And so what is it that we have to put in place to be able to deter conflict.
And then the third thing is to foster areas of cooperation. What are the areas that we can identify in which we can work together with Russia, which is clearly in both of our interests? And there are a lot of problems in the world that fall into that category. North Korea, for example, is one of them; the fight against transnational terrorist organizations is another. So the need to deescalate the Syrian civil war, to defeat ISIS there, and to end that humanitarian catastrophe.
And so these are areas of discussion, again being led extremely well by Secretary of State Tillerson, and that will continue to be the focus of our Russia policy and strategy.
Q Okay, thank you, sir. You mentioned that the President will be speaking with the President of Poland. Will he also meet with other leaders of Polish political scene? And this speech in Warsaw is really highly anticipated. So what is the main message the President wants to deliver to the people of Poland?
GENERAL MCMASTER: Yeah, the main message is that America is with you, America understands that its interests align with the interests of the Polish people, and we are determined to do our best to work together on our common priorities and our common interests.
Across the three areas -- the three main themes that I mentioned at the beginning -- which is, first, to protect our security -- this is Polish security, American security, our common security; to promote prosperity in terms of economic growth and development, and economic growth and development in a way that protects the environment, that advances our interests in the economic energy realm. And the third is to provide American leadership -- American leadership to help connect Poland broadly, to keep Poland connected to what they fought for for so long, which is to be part of Europe. And for American leadership to be associated with the Polish-American relationship, the American-European relationship, and transatlantic relations generally.
MR. COHN: And, yes, he’s speaking to other Polish leaders. I’ve got to run to Energy Week. I’m on a panel at 2:00. I can take one last question.
Q Thank you, Mr. Cohn.
MR. COHN: You're welcome, sir.
Q Very quickly, is the IMF going to come up at all when the meeting is held? During the IMF World Bank meeting earlier this year there was considerable discussion that there’s been nothing said from the administration about the IMF and whether the U.S. would continue the same policy which directly connects us to the bailout in Greece.
MR. COHN: Look, I don’t think the IMF directly will come up during the G20. The IMF will be there. They’re one of the participants at the G20. That said, I’m having discussions with IMF leadership, and we’ve got very amicable discussions with IMF going on.
Q Madam Lagarde?
MR. COHN: Yes. Okay, thank you, everyone.
GENERAL MCMASTER: Thanks, everybody.
1:48 P.M. EDT
Full Speech: Donald Trump Speech at Polish American Congress in Chicago, Illinois (9/28/2016)
SEPTEMBER 28, 2016
Presidential Candidate Donald Trump Remarks to the Polish American Congress Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump spoke to a meeting of the Polish American Congress at the office of the Polish National Alliance in Chicago, Illinois. Mr. Trump spoke about the need for a strong NATO and a missile defense system for the Republic of Poland, as well as Poland’s inclusion into the U.S. Visa Waiver Program. He was introduced by former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani.
Donald Trump, Republican Presidential Candidate, Delivers Remarks To The Polish American Congress Subject: Campaign 2016 Participants: Donald Trump, Republican Presidential Candidate Time: 12:00 am EDT, Date: Wednesday, September 28th, 2016
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
Thank you, everybody, very much. A great honor. Please sit down. Thank you.
Donald J. Trump
So we have a very interesting race. We've had some amazing days. I loved the debate. I love the process. Something very beautiful about this process. The American way, but it's a lot of different ways. But there's nothing like what we're going through. It's very exciting. And to have so many Polish Americans on my side. Been friends of mine for many years.
Donald J. Trump
I've had so many friends, they've been so loyal to me, from Poland. Some living in Poland now, but mostly from Poland. And the Polish people are great people. These are great people. And if I get elected, believe me, we take care of all of our people, all of our people.
Donald J. Trump
But we do have a very, very special place because Polish Americans, what you've done for this country is really incredible. And I don't think, frankly, that people know the great sacrifices that you've gone through. And Frank and the whole group have done an incredible job.
Donald J. Trump
Even just coming to this building and seeing how well organized everything is, how beautiful it is, how clean, how you open it up to the community, Frank. It's amazing. So I just want to congratulate you, and I want to thank you. Thank you.
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
I just met many of your leaders and representatives, and your press. And I thought I'd say a few words. I wrote down a few words about Poland and my thoughts on Poland, and also on what's happening with respect to the Poland Americans, and I think it'll take a second. And I'll read it off a little bit to you, because it's very important. To me, it's very important. It's an unbelievably important community.
Donald J. Trump
So I'm honored to be here with the Polish American Congress. And I pledge to you a Trump Administration will be a true friend to Poland and to all Polish Americans. And I have to tell you...
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
... and I don't think you people will be insulted to say -- and if I say, will be a friend to everybody. We're going to be friendly to everybody.
Donald J. Trump
You know, you heard about the deplorables, right? This is going to be one of those devo (ph), but we're going to be a friend to everybody. And if they don't like me, they will end up liking me, all right? I'll be a friend even when they don't like me, but they will end up liking me when we produce -- because we have politicians that don't produce. It's very simple.
Donald J. Trump
And Poland has been such an incredible friend to America. And since our founding, if you look, it's been one of our great, great relationships, and so important. A strong ally for freedom.
Donald J. Trump
During the Cold War, Poland kept the flame of freedom under Communist oppression. It was really -- it was a beacon. And Poland provided 28,000 troops in total over the years to assist the United States in Afghanistan. That's a lot of troops, 28,000 troops for Afghanistan and Iraq, in the hardest-fought regions. And trip (ph) -- plenty of suffering, plenty of suffering.
Donald J. Trump
One of the things I wanted to do is mention your very brilliant head of the Chamber of Commerce, Anna, who is the -- stand up, Anna. Is very important...
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
... who is going to Poland tomorrow, but she said, "Mr. Trump, would it be possible for you to say something about small business? And in particular, because people want to come in, they want to open small business." I said, "Well, the most important thing we can do is taxes, but really maybe even more important than taxes are regulations."
Donald J. Trump
Because the regulations in our country have become so horrible, so cumbersome, so bureaucratic, that it's really becoming almost impossible to open a small business, whether we're dealing Polish Americans or whether we're dealing with any Americans. It's a horror show. And also whether we're dealing with small business or big business, even to expand business is almost -- it's very hard. It's almost impossible in many cases.
Donald J. Trump
So we're going to make sure that when people come into the country, or when people are already in the country, they're going to be able to open their business. And also we're cutting taxes massively.
Donald J. Trump
The thing that amazes me is that, if you would have told me this, I wouldn't have thought -- you know, we're cutting business tax tremendously for small business, and for all business because we want jobs. We're going to have a job growth like we've never seen. I'm very good for jobs. In fact, I will be the greatest president for jobs that God ever created, I can tell you.
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
I'm very strong on jobs, and the economy. I built a great -- I built a great, great company, and some of the most incredible assets, real estate assets, anywhere in the world. And some other assets, but -- and I understand putting people to work.
Donald J. Trump
And if you would have told me this would have happened, I think the mayor of New York, Rudy, who has been so incredible as a supporter. We've had such great support, but Rudy's been really out there. He was a great mayor. I think Rudy would understand this very well. Some of the people in the audience would.
Donald J. Trump
So, we're doing this massive tax cut, and yet, in my opinion, almost 100 percent of the time, people that want businesses and want to expand businesses or start new businesses are much more excited about the regulations being cut, because the regulations are making it absolutely imposs (ph) -- but the taxes are terrible, because they're so high. They're no onerous that they really make it very difficult.
Donald J. Trump
But I think that people are more excited about the massive cutting of regulations that we're going to do. And you need some regulation, for safety, for environment, you need some regulation. But we're going to be cutting tremendous amounts of red tape and regulation.
Donald J. Trump
And I would never have thought that they were more impressed with that, that they consider that to be more important than the cutting of taxes, because in one case, you know the kind of money we're talking about. In the other case, you know, it's a little amorphous. You don't know. But they're very excited.
Donald J. Trump
So, Anna, we will take care of that situation. And I think you and all of the people that you're representing would be very happy, OK?
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
Now, as president, I will honor Poland's sacrifices for freedom. We're committed to a strong Poland, very committed, totally committed, and a strong Eastern Europe, as a bulwark for security and liberty.
Donald J. Trump
Campaigning for his wife, Bill Clinton attacked Poland, saying, "Democracy is too much trouble," which was an interesting statement, wasn't it? Democracy is too much trouble. And -- for Poland, apparently, because he -- he disagreed with Poland's opposition to bringing in refugees. And yet his wife wants to bring in refuges from Syria at a rate of 550 percent more than Obama, who's bringing them in the by thousands and thousands and thousands.
Donald J. Trump
So the -- Bill Clinton made that statement. And he talked about -- for Poland. And all of the time, I'm talking about, we can't allow people to come into this country from other parts of the world that we don't know who they are, where they come from, what their intentions are, and all you have to do is take a look at what happened, whether it's in New York or whether it's in San Bernardino or whether it's in Orlando or, frankly, you can go outside of the country very nicely, also. Paris and Nice, and all of the different places. Germany, look what's happening in Germany. It's a disaster. And yet Bill Clinton will make a horrible statement or like that, concerning Poland.
Donald J. Trump
So Poland is one of the only five NATO nations, countries, that's actually paying 2 percent of GDP to provide for their defense, which is very interesting, because I -- I've been talking about it. You know, so many of them are delinquent. They're in default, essentially, but they're delinquent. Poland is up to date. And what happened, as soon as I walked in, the whole group said, "We're up to date, we're up to date." They were very proud of it. That's the Polish people.
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
That's it. They want to be proud.
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
So we want NATO to be strong, which means we want more countries to follow the example of Poland. If every country in NATO made the same contributions as Poland, all of our allies would be more secure. And people would feel better, even better, about NATO. NATO is very important, but they'd feel better about it.
Donald J. Trump
We'll work with Poland on strengthening NATO when I am President. We will strengthen NATO, and we're going to bring NATO and get NATO involved with terrorism. As you remember, six or seven months ago when I was asked by a reporter about, what do I think about NATO, I said it's obsolete because it doesn't cover terror. And there was a big scream. "Oh, Trump is saying it's obsolete." Then about three days later, they're saying, "You know, he's right. It's obsolete. It doesn't cover terror. This is a new threat."
Donald J. Trump
And then a few months after that, on the front page of the Wall Street Journal, and this was probably four or five months ago, they announced they're starting a new terrorism division, which will be run by a very good person, actually. And they didn't give me a lot of credit for that, but they did put my name in the article, and they did say that, you know, I brought it up. But I do believe if I didn't bring it up, and bring it up very strongly and loudly, they would not have started it. But I think it's a great thing that they did.
Donald J. Trump
The contributions of the Polish people to America have enriched every aspect of our lives, and will be honored if I am in the White House. The Polish people will be honored. Remember that. They deserve it.
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
So, I'm asking for your vote. I never thought I'd be saying that. I've been a businessman. Can you believe? Been watching these guys all their lives. I'm asking, do you know the (ph) differences, and they do nothing for you. They -- you know, we're going to make things good. We're going to make America great again.
Donald J. Trump
But I'm asking for your vote. And I'm asking for, very importantly, your friendship and your partnership. We're going to work together, and we're going to start now. We're going to have a victory in November. It's going to be a tremendous victory. And we're going to have a Trump administration that's going to get things done, that's going to lower taxes.
Donald J. Trump
Hillary Clinton, who I happen to believe is grossly incompetent, by the way. I just feel like she's grossly incompetent.
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
But Hillary Clinton is going to increase taxes. And -- well, she didn't pass her bar exam in Washington, DC, and a lot of people don't know that. But I happen to believe that she'll be very, very bad for our country. I think it would be worse than four more years of Obama. I think it would actually be worse.
Donald J. Trump
And it won't be great for the people that you're representing, but most importantly, it won't be great for the people of our country, because we have a chance to really make America great again. We have a chance to, I think, make America greater than ever before. And whether it's tax, whether it's trade, whether it's regulation, there's so many different things that we're going to do, but we're going to spur growth and we're going to spur growth in the right direction, not in the wrong direction.
Donald J. Trump
So, I just want to thank all of the folks that I met today, and all of your leadership. And I will tell you, I will never let you down. It will be an amazing thing that's going to happen on November 8th.
Donald J. Trump
You know, when I was right in the middle of Brexit, because I was in Europe, and I have a lot of property in Europe. I own a lot of great property in Europe. And they asked me the question. They said, "Mr. Trump, what do you think of Brexit? Will it pass?" And everybody, virtually, was saying it won't. Obama said no way. In fact, he went over and campaigned against it, as you know. That is probably the reason it passed, because...
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
... I actually think it -- I actually think because when I heard that wise (ph), I told two of the newspapers over there, I said, "Is he really over here?" He said, "No. He's campaigning very much in favor of, you know, keeping it the old way." The way it was, right, which was a disaster. I said, "Well, if he's campaigning, I'm going the opposite way of him." So I said that Brexit will happen, and what happened.
Donald J. Trump
Anyway, that was two days before, and everybody printed out, "Trump is totally saying that, you know, Brexit is -- is not -- in -- that it's going to happen." And it was amazing. It was amazing what happened. So, when the U.K. brilliantly decided to get out, they totally forgot what I said. They totally forgot. And, as you know, the person most in charge that really -- this was his -- he formulated this whole idea along with some other great people. But he came out and made a speech for me a month ago. It was incredible.
Donald J. Trump
And now they're calling me Mr. Brexit. Because in a way we're very similar to what happened over there. We want our independence back. We want our freedom back. We don't want to take people into our country that we don't want. We don't want to take people into our country that possibly have very bad intentions. We don't want to take our --- our la (ph) -- I mean, we have so many problems. We owe almost $20 trillion. It's doubled under President Obama's term. Twenty trillion dollars.
Donald J. Trump
So over 200 years, we developed debt. In seven and a half years, by the time he gets out of office, it will more than have doubled. And what have we gotten for it? Nothing. We have roads that are collapsing, we have highways and bridges and tunnels that are in a horrible state of repair. We have hospitals and schools that are disastrous. And our airports are third world.
Donald J. Trump
You go to Dubai and Qatar, and you go to China and different places, you see airports that are the most incredible things that you've ever seen. You come into LaGuardia in New York, you come into Kennedy, you come into LAX, you come into Newark Airport, these are like third world airports with third world equipment. And this is the United States. Well, it's going to end.
Donald J. Trump
We spend $6 trillion, $6 trillion through gross incompetence. We spent $6 trillion in the Middle East, and think of it. Six trillion. We could have rebuilt our country twice. We built things over there that we don't build for our own country, and then it's bombed and destroyed. So we're going to run things differently. We're going to be tough.
Donald J. Trump
We have a very depleted military. We have to build up our military again. We'll have to build up our military, but it's going to be something, I think, that's going to be very beautiful and very good, and it's going to be great for all people, including my really great Polish American friends.
Donald J. Trump
So I just want to leave it by saying I'm with you. I agree with you. There was a room full of incredible representatives, and as they were talking I'm saying, "You don't have to sell me." Everything you're talking about. I mean, what's not to agree with?
Donald J. Trump
And the great thing about everything that took place in that meeting that we just had is that you love this country. You love our country. You want what's good for our country. And, so we're all on the same ....
Donald J. Trump
We're all in the same bag.
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
So, I just want to thank you. I want to thank your leadership. I want to thank everybody in this room. I hope that I get every single Polish American vote in this country. And if anybody's on vacation, come back immediately.
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
One thing about the Polish people, when they go on vacation, they usually go to Poland, right?
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
It's true. I know. They go to Poland. They don't go elsewhere. So get them back.
Donald J. Trump
But it's really been a great honor. And thank you all very much. Thank you. Thank you very much. I appreciate it.
Donald J. Trump
Donald J. Trump
bayern ist kein deutschland
THE GERMAN KULTUR IN POLAND
The Nazi Kultur in Poland by several authors of necessity temporarily anonymous
Written in Warsaw under the German Occupation and published for the POLISH MINISTRY OF INFORMATION by
HIS MAJESTY'S STATIONERY OFFICE
THE GERMAN KULTUR IN POLAND
The Nazi Kultur in Poland
FOREWORD by John Masefield, O. M. - VI
A NOTE FROM THE AUTHORS IN WARSAW - Vlll
A NOTE FROM THE EDITORS IN LONDON - X
I SPOTLIGHTS - 1
II THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH – 7
III THE PROTESTANT CHURCHES – 27
IV ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS - 32
V UNIVERSITIES AND RESEARCH - 51
VI LIBRARIES 76
VII ARCHIVES - 89
VIII MUSEUMS AND COLLECTIONS - 93
IX BUILDINGS AND MONUMENTS - 113
X WARSAW CASTLE - 124
XI BOOKSHOPS AND PUBLISHING - 128
XII READING - 142
XIII THE PRESS - 146
XIV BROADCASTING - 176
XV "CULTURAL POLICY" - 183
XVI THE THEATRE - 188
XVII MUSIC - 198
VIII LITERATURE - 206
XIX ART - 210
XX THE FILM - 213
XXI THE BACKGROUND - 215
The Declaration of war by France and the United Kingdom was given on 3 September 1939, after German forces invaded Poland. Despite the speech being the official announcement of both France and the United Kingdom, the speech was given by the British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, in Westminster, London.
British and French Declaration of War
I am speaking to you from the Cabinet Room at 10, Downing Street.
This morning the British Ambassador in Berlin Nevile Henderson handed the German Government a final note stating that unless we heard from them by 11 o'clock, that they were prepared at once to withdraw their troops from Poland, that a state of war would exist between us.
I have to tell you now that no such undertaking has been received, and that consequently this country is at war with Germany.
You can imagine what a bitter blow it is to me that all my long struggle to win peace has failed. Yet I cannot believe that there is anything more or anything different that I could have done and that would have been more successful.
Up to the very last it would have been quite possible to have arranged a peaceful and honourable settlement between Germany and Poland, but Hitler would not have it.
He had evidently made up his mind to attack Poland whatever happened; and although he now says he put forward reasonable proposals which were rejected by the Poles, that is not a true statement.
The proposals were never shown to the Poles nor to us; and though they were announced in a German broadcast on Thursday night, Hitler did not wait to hear comments on them, but ordered his troops to cross the Polish frontier the next morning.
His action shows convincingly that there is no chance of expecting that this man will ever give up his practice of using force to gain his will. He can only be stopped by force, and we and France are today, in fulfilment of our obligations, going to the aid of Poland, who is so bravely resisting this wicked and unprovoked attack upon her people. We have a clear conscience. We have done all that any country could do to establish peace. The situation in which no word given by Germany’s ruler could be trusted and no people or country could feel itself safe has become intolerable.
And now that we have resolved to finish it, I know that you will all play your part with calmness and courage.
At such a moment as this the assurances of support that we have received from the Empire are a source of profound encouragement to us.
When I have finished speaking certain detailed announcements will be made on behalf of the Government. Give these your closest attention.
The Government have made plans under which it will be possible to carry on the work of the nation in the days of stress and strain that may be ahead. But these plans need your help.
You may be taking part in the fighting Services or as a volunteer in one of the branches of civil defence. If so you will report for duty in accordance with the instructions you have received.
You may be engaged in work essential to the prosecution of war for the maintenance of the life of the people – in factories, in transport, in public utility concerns or in the supply of other necessaries of life. If so, it is of vital importance that you should carry on with your jobs.
Now may God bless you all. May He defend the right. It is the evil things that we shall be fighting against – brute force, bad faith, injustice, oppression and persecution – and against them I am certain that the right will prevail.
George VI - King's Speech, September 3, 1939This is the King's Speech which George VI broadcast to his people in Britain, and throughout the Empire, immediately after Britain's Declaration of War against Germany on September 3, 1939.
The following is the text of that speech, which the King delivered standing up (even though his official portrait depicts him sitting down):
In this grave hour, perhaps the most fateful in our history, I send to every household of my peoples, both at home and overseas, this message, spoken with the same depth of feeling for each one of you as if I were able to cross your threshold and speak to you myself.
For the second time in the lives of most of us, we are at war.
Over and over again, we have tried to find a peaceful way out of the differences between ourselves and those who are now our enemies; but it has been in vain.
We have been forced into a conflict, for we are called, with our allies, to meet the challenge of a principle which, if it were to prevail, would be fatal to any civilized order in the world.
It is a principle which permits a state, in the selfish pursuit of power, to disregard its treaties and its solemn pledges, which sanctions the use of force or threat of force against the sovereignty and independence of other states.
Such a principle, stripped of all disguise, is surely the mere primitive doctrine that might is right, and if this principle were established through the world, the freedom of our own country and of the whole British Commonwealth of nations would be in danger.
But far more than this, the peoples of the world would be kept in bondage of fear, and all hopes of settled peace and of the security, of justice and liberty, among nations, would be ended.
This is the ultimate issue which confronts us. For the sake of all that we ourselves hold dear, and of the world order and peace, it is unthinkable that we should refuse to meet the challenge.
It is to this high purpose that I now call my people at home, and my peoples across the seas, who will make our cause their own.
I ask them to stand calm and firm and united in this time of trial.
The task will be hard. There may be dark days ahead, and war can no longer be confined to the battlefield, but we can only do the right as we see the right, and reverently commit our cause to God. If one and all we keep resolutely faithful to it, ready for whatever service or sacrifice it may demand, then with God's help, we shall prevail.
May He bless and keep us all.
(The King's Speech of September 3, 1939, quoted in its entirety by Larry Gray in Fathers, Brothers and Sons, pages 127-128.)
Soon after the King delivered this speech, other Dominion governments also declared war against Germany.
The impact of the war upon the King, George VI, was incalculable. He died, at the age of 56, in February of 1952. He was succeeded by his daughter, Britain''s current Queen Elizabeth II.
(1901 - 1948)
(1901 - 1948)
(1901 - 1948)
(1901 - 1948)
|Napis głosi||The insciption reads||Написано||Die Platte lautet|
z najodważniejszych ludzi świata, oficer Wojska Polskiego i obywatel
ziemski, uczestnik wojny polsko-bolszewickiej 1920r. oraz wojny
1939r., współzałożyciel Tajnej Armii Polskiej, oficer Związku Walki
Zbrojnej / Armii Krajowej.
W 1940r. przygotował i wykonał plan przedostania siędo niemieckiego obozu koncentracyhjnego KL Auschwitz. Dobrowolny więzień i organizator obozowej konspiracji, autor przekazywanych na Zachód pierwszych relacji o masowej zagładzie więźniów Auschwitz i o holokauście.
Po ucieczce z obozu w 1943r. Służył w organizacji “NIE” (NIEPODLEGŁOŚĆ), uczestnik Powstania Warszawskiego, żołnierz Korpusu Polskiego we Włoszech.
Jesienią 1945r. Powrócił do Krajum by dokumentować sowiecką okupację Polski.
W 1947r. Aresztowany, skazany na karę śmierci przez władze komunistyczne.
Został stracony 25 V 1948r. W Warszawie i pochowany w nieznanym miejscu,
W 2006r. Pośmiertnie odznaczony Orderem Orła Białego.
Wierny Polsce i idei wolności oddał życie w walce z dwoma totalitaryzmami XX wieku.
***Wewnątrz pomnika-obrączki widnieje fragment listu rotm. Pileckiego: "BO CHOĆBY MI PRZYSZŁO POSTRADAĆ ME ŻYCIE - TAK WOLĘ - NIŻ ŻYĆ, A MIEĆ W SERCU RANĘ"
List wysłany z więzienia w 1947r. adresatem był Józef Różański znany także jako Josek Goldberg, jeden z najbardziej okrutnych i najbardziej bestalskich masowych morderców reżimu stalinowskiego.
was one of the bravest men of this world, an officer of the Polish
Army, a member of the landed gentry, a participant in the Polish-Soviet
war in 1920 and the Second World War in 1939, the co-founderof the
Tajna Armia Polska (Secret Polish Army). In 1940 he arrangedad executed
a plan to infiltratethe German concentration camp Auschwitz. He was a
deliberate prisoner, the organiser of resistance conspiracy in the
campand the author of the first messages sent to the West about the
genocide of prisoners and the holocaust.
After his escape from the campin 1943, he served in the “NIE” (“NO”, “INDEPENDENCE”) organization. participated in the Warsaw Uprising and was a soldier in the Polish II Corpsin Italy. In autumn of 1945 he returned to his country in order to document the Soviet occupation of Poland. In 1947 he was arrested by the communist authorities and sentenced to death. He was executed on the 25th of May 1948 and buried at an unknown location. In 2006 he was posthumously bestowed the Order of the White Eagle. Loyal to Poland and the idea of freedom, he gave his life battling two totalitarian regimes of the 20th century.
Inscribed on the wedding band, is a fragment of a letter by capt. Pilecki: "FOR EVEN IF I WERE TO LOSE MY LIFE, I PREFER IT TO LIVING WITH A WOUNDED HEART"
***Letter sent from prison in 1947. The addressee of the letter was Joseph Rozanski also known as Yozek Goldberg, one of the most brutal and bestial mass murderers of the Stalin regime.
был одним из самых храбрых мужчин этого мира , офицер польской армии ,
члена поместного дворянства , и участника советско-польской войны в
1920 году и второй мировой войны в 1939 году , со- founderof Секретной
Армии Польша ( Польский секретная армия ) . В 1940 году он выполнил
план arrangedad этот infiltratethe немецкий концлагерь Освенцим . Он
был преднамеренным заключенный , организатор сопротивления заговора в
campand автор первых сообщений, отправляемых на Западе о геноциде
заключенных и Холокоста.
После побега из Campin в 1943 году , он служил в "NO" ( "НЕТ" , "независимость" ) организации. Участвовал в Варшавском восстании и был солдатом в Польский II Corpsin Италии. Осенью 1945 г. он вернулся , что его страна для того, чтобы документировать советской оккупации Польши. В 1947 году он был арестован коммунистическими властями и приговорен к смертной казни . Он был казнен 25 мая 1948 года и похоронен в неизвестном месте . В 2006 году он был посмертно удостоен орденом Белого Орла . Верные Польше и идеи свободы , он отдал свою жизнь боролся два тоталитарных режимов 20-го века .
Включен в обручальное кольцо , является фрагментом письме Кап . Пилецкий : «ЗА ДАЖЕ ЕСЛИ БЫ Я ПОТЕРЯТЬ МОЕЙ ЖИЗНИ, Я ПРЕДПОЧИТАЮ, ЧТОБЫ ЭТО ЖИВУ С РАНЕНОЕ СЕРДЦЕ"
***Письмо отправлено из тюрьмы в 1947 году., адресатом письма был Йосеф Розанский также известный, как Йосек Голдберг, один из самых жестоких и самых зверских массовых убийц сталинского режима.
war einer der mutigsten Männer dieser Welt, ein Offizier der polnischen
Armee , ein Mitglied des Landadels und Teilnehmer an der
polnisch-sowjetischen Krieg 1920 und dem Zweiten Weltkrieg im Jahr 1939
, der Co- founderof der Secret Army Polen (Polnisch Secret Army ) . Im
Jahr 1940 führte er einen Plan arrangedad dieses infiltratethe
deutschen Konzentrationslager Auschwitz . Er war eine bewusste
Gefangener , der Organisator des Widerstands Verschwörung in der
campand der Autor von den ersten Nachrichten in den Westen geschickt
über den Völkermord von Gefangenen und den Holocaust.
Nach seiner Flucht aus dem campin 1943 diente er in der "NO " ("NEIN" , "Unabhängigkeit" ) Organisation. im Warschauer Aufstand teil und war ein Soldat in der polnischen II Corpsin Italien . Im Herbst 1945 kehrte er , dass sein Land in Ordnung, die die sowjetische Besetzung Polens zu dokumentieren. Im Jahr 1947 wurde er von den kommunistischen Behörden verhaftet und zum Tode verurteilt. Er wurde am 25. Mai 1948 durchgeführt und an einem unbekannten Ort begraben. 2006 wurde er posthum verliehen dem Orden des Weißen Adlers . Loyal zu Polen und der Idee der Freiheit , gab er sein Leben kämpfenden beiden totalitären Regime des 20. Jahrhunderts.
Auf der Hochzeitsband eingeschrieben , ist ein Fragment eines Briefes an capt . Pilecki : "DENN AUCH , WENN ICH MEIN LEBEN VERLIERE , ZIEHE ICH ES LEBEN MIT EINER VERWUNDETES HERZ "
***Brief aus dem Gefängnis im Jahr 1947 gesendet. Der Adressat des Briefes war Joseph Rozanski auch als Yozek Goldberg bekannt , einer der brutalsten und bestialischen Massenmörder des Stalin-Regimes.
The flag of Poland symbolism: white symbolizes virginity, red symbolizes heroic bloodshed. The Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Warsaw, Poland, dedicated to the unknown soldiers who heroically shed their blood for Poland, on youtube. Symbolika flagi Polski - biały symbolizuje dziewictwo, czerwony symbolizuje heroiczny przelew krwi. Grób Nieznanego Żołnierza w Warszawie poświęcony nieznanym żolnierzom, którzy heroicznie przelali krew za Polskę, on youtube. POLAND
The Polish way: do it your way, find your strength and wisdom through the Word of God. Fine art photography by Zbigniew Halat
wolności do obrony w Polsce:
- wolność słowa i wypowiedzi
- wolność wyznawania wiary w Boga
- wolność od biedy po błędach gospodarki
- wolność od strachu przed atakiem sił zła
Global Movement for the Restoration of Human Rights in the European Union
Poland Chapter named after George Ivanov
Globalny Ruch na rzecz Przywrócenia Praw Człowieka w Unii Europejskiej
Oddział Polski imienia Jerzego Iwanowa Szajnowicza
Przed egzekucją wykonaną przez Niemców 4. stycznia 1943 wołał
"Niech żyje Polska Niech żyje Grecja"
Γεώργιος Ιβάνοφ Πριν την εκτέλεση από τους Γερμανούς 4 Ιανουαρίου 1943 φώναξε:
Ζήτω η Πολωνία, ζήτω η Ελλάδα».
Executed on January 4, 1943 Before the execution shouted:
"Long live Poland, long live Greece."
Jerzy Iwanow Szajnowicz Γεώργιος Ιβάνοφ George Ivanov
wielki Polak, bohater antyniemieckiego ruchu oporu w Grecji, an agent of British intelligence
his execution by the Germans statue in Thessaloniki